Dostoievsky on the Jews

From National Vanguard Magazine Issue No. 72, 1979

Feodor Dostoievsky (1821–1881) was one of Russia’s greatest writers. The son of a physician of modest means, he had the opportunity for an education, and was trained as an engineer. He remained close to the common people of Russia, however, in the experiences of his life and in his writing.

Dostoievsky was a fervent patriot, but his association with a circle of radical writers led to his arrest at the age of 27. He was subsequently sentenced to death, reprieved at the last minute, and transported to Siberia, where he spent four years in a prison labor camp. This was followed by several years as a private in a Siberian unit in the Russian army.

After his return from Siberia, Dostoievsky wrote a number of novels, including Crime and Punishment (1866), The Idiot (1868), The Devils/The Possessed (1871), and The Brothers Karamazov (1880), all of which enjoyed immense popularity. It was his Diary of a Writer, however, published in a number of installments in the period 1873–1881 which most explicitly stated his feeling for his people and for Russia.

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"In Dostoievsky’s time [in Russia] there

were some three million [Jews]"

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Dostoievsky’s Diary dealt with a great many issues of burning interest to his fellow countrymen, showing clearly the insight and sensitivity which made him one of the most beloved of all the great writers Russia has produced. Boris Brasol, who translated Diary of a Writer into English, has described the reaction of the Russian people to Dostoievsky's death on February 9th, 1881:

"The news of Dostoievsky’s passing spread instantly, like an electric current, to the remotest parts of Russia, and a wave of mourning swept through the hearts of her saddened people...Enormous crowds attended his funeral: men and women from all walks of life — statesmen of high rank and downtrodden prostitutes; illiterate peasants and distinguished men of letters; army officers and learned scientists; credulous priests and incredulous students — they were all there.

"Whom did Russia bury with so great a reverence? Was it only one of her famous men of letters? Indeed not: in that coffin lay a noble and lofty man, a prudent teacher, an inspired prophet whose thoughts, like mountain peaks, were always pointed toward heaven, and who had measured the depths of man’s quivering heart with all its struggles, sins, and tempests; its riddles, pains, and sorrows; its unseen tears and burning passions..."

As much as his people loved him, Dostoievsky in turn loved them — and despised their enemies and exploiters. Foremost among the latter were the Jews of Russia. In Dostoievsky’s time there were some three million of them, some descended from the Khazars, an Asiatic tribe of southern Russia which had converted to Judaism a millennium earlier, and some who had flocked into Russia from the West during the Middle Ages, when they were forcibly expelled from every country in western and central Europe.

Scorning honest labor, the Jews had fastened themselves on the Russian peasants and craftsmen like an army of leeches. Money-lending, the liquor trade, and White slavery were their preferred means of support — and their means of destroying the Russian people.

So great was the Russians’ hate for their Jewish tormenters that the Russian rulers were obliged to institute special legislation, both protecting the Jews and limiting their depredations against the Russian people. Among the latter was a ban against Jewish settlement in central Russia; they were restricted to the regions of western and southwestern Russia (the “Pale of Settlement”) where they had been most heavily concentrated at the time Catherine the Great had proclaimed the ban, in the 18th century.

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"[T]he Jews had fastened themselves

on the Russian peasants and craftsmen

like an army of leeches."

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This, of course, was regarded by the Jews as “persecution,” and it was their incessant wailing about not being allowed to fasten themselves on the people of central Russia which first moved Dostoievsky to set his pen to paper on the Jewish question. In the section of his Diary published in March 1877, the writer remarked:

"...I know that in the whole world there is certainly no other people who would be complaining as much about their lot, incessantly, after each step and word of theirs — about their humiliation, their suffering, their martyrdom. One might think it is not they who are reigning in Europe, who are directing there at least the stock exchanges and, therefore, politics, domestic affairs, the morality of the states."

Dostoievsky, who had become all too familiar with Jews and their personal attitudes toward their Russian hosts, first as a boy on his parent’s small estate, where he observed the Jew’s dealings with the local peasants, and later in prison, where he noted the aloof behavior of the Jewish prisoners toward Russian prisoners, went on to speculate about what would happen to the Russians if the Jews ever got the whip-hand:

"...Now, how would it be if in Russia there were not three million Jews, but three million Russians, and there were eighty million Jews — well, into what would they convert the Russians and how would they treat them? Would they permit them to acquire equal rights? Would they permit them to worship freely in their midst? Wouldn’t they convert them into slaves? Worse than that: wouldn’t they skin them altogether? Wouldn’t they slaughter them to the last man, to the point of complete extermination, as they used to do with aliens in ancient times, during their ancient history?"

This speculation turned out to be grimly prophetic, for only a little more than four decades later bloodthirsty Jewish commissars, who made up the bulk of the Bolshevik leaders, were supervising the butchering of Russians by the millions.

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"[B]loodthirsty Jewish commissars, who made up

the bulk of the Bolshevik leaders, were supervising

the butchering of Russians by the millions."

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Dostoievsky correctly identified the secret of the Jews’ strength — indeed, of their very survival over a period of 40 centuries — as their exclusiveness, their deeply ingrained mental outlook upon the whole non-Jewish world as an alien, inferior, and hostile thing. This outlook led the Jews to always think of themselves as having a special situation or standing. Even when they were trying most ingratiatingly to convince the non-Jews that Jews were just like everyone else, they maintained the inner attitude of a people who constituted a special community within the larger, Gentile community. Dostoievsky pointed out:

"...It is possible to outline, at least, certain symptoms of that status in statu — be it only externally. These symptoms are: alienation and estrangement in the matter of religious dogma; the impossibility of fusion; belief that in the world there exists but one national entity, the Jew, while, even though other entities exist, nevertheless, it should be presumed that they are, as it were, nonexistent. ‘Step out of the family of nations and form your own entity, and thou shalt know that henceforth thou art the only one before God; exterminate the rest, or make slaves of them. Have faith in the conquest of the whole world; adhere to the belief that everything will submit to thee. Loathe strictly everything, and do not have intercourse with anyone in thy mode of living. And even when thou shalt lose the land, thy political individuality, even when thou shalt be dispersed all over the face of the earth, amidst all nations — never mind, have faith in everything that has been promised thee, once and forever; believe that all this will come to pass, and meanwhile live, loathe, unite, and exploit — and wait, wait..."

Is it any wonder that, although virtually every American with a high school education has either read Dostoievsky’s Crime and Punishment or his The Brothers Karamazov (or both), his Diary of a Writer has been quietly consigned to oblivion by the controlled educational and publishing establishments in this country? The only printing of Diary of a Writer currently listed in Books in Print is one issued by a small, specialty publisher (Octagon Books) for sale to libraries and priced at a prohibitive $47.50. That price tag ought to keep it safely out of the hands of curious American readers! [Note: available at Amazon presently (11/28/11), under $30]

Those fortunate enough to be able to borrow a copy of the book can read a great many more of Dostoievsky’s penetrating comments on the behavior of and attitude of the Jews in Russia toward the Russian people during the 19th century. Dostoievsky especially condemned the exploitation of the poor, ignorant, and helpless Russian peasants by the voraciously greedy and utterly heartless Jews. For example:

"Thus, Jewry is thriving precisely there where the people are still ignorant, or not free, or economically backward. It is there that Jewry has a champ libre. And instead of raising, by its influence, the level of education, instead of increasing knowledge, generating economic fitness in the native population — instead of this the Jew, wherever he has settled, has still more humiliated and debauched the people; there humaneness was still more debased and the educational level fell still lower; there inescapable, inhuman misery, and with it despair, spread still more disgustingly. Ask the native population in our border regions: What is propelling the Jew — and has been propelling him for centuries? You will receive a unanimous answer: mercilessness. ‘He has been prompted so many centuries only by pitilessness to us, only by the thirst for our sweat and blood.’

"And, in truth, the whole activity of the Jews in these border regions of ours consisted of rendering the native population as much as possible inescapably dependent on them, taking advantage of the local laws. They have always managed to be on friendly terms with those upon whom the people were dependent...Point to any other tribe from among Russian aliens which could rival the Jew by his dreadful influence in this connection! You will find no such tribe. In this respect the Jew preserves all his originality as compared with other Russian aliens, and of course, the reason therefore is that status of statu of his, that spirit of which specifically breathes pitilessness for everything that is not Jew, with disrespect for any people and tribe, for every human creature who is not a Jew..."

"Now, what if somehow, for some reason, our rural commune [i.e., the institutionalized system of Russian peasant society] should disintegrate, that commune which is protecting our poor native peasant against so many ills; what if, straightaway, the Jew and his whole kehillah [i.e., organized Jewry] should fall upon that liberated peasant — so inexperienced, so incapable of resisting temptation, and who up to this time has been guarded precisely by the commune? Why, of course, instantly this would be his end; his entire property, his whole strength, the very next day would come under the power of the Jew, and there would ensue such an era as can be compared not only with the era of serfdom but even with that of the Tartar yoke."

Again, how tragically prophetic!

National Alliance Statement of Belief

(This statement filled the back cover of numerous issues of National Vanguard magazine:)

What We Believe

The men and women of the National Alliance believe that the future is what we make it. We believe that we, as free and conscious agents, have an absolute responsibility for all those elements of the world around us over which we are capable of exercising control: for the structure of our society and its institutions; for the beauty and cleanliness of both our natural and man-made environments; for the cultural and moral climate in which we live and work; for the military and geo-political status of our nation relative to the other nations of the earth; and, most of all, for the racial quality of the coming generations of our people.

We believe that no multi-racial society can be a truly healthy society, and no government which is not wholly responsible to a single racial entity can be a good government. America's present deterioration stems from her loss of racial homogeneity and racial consciousness, and from the consequent alienation of most of our fellow citizens.

We believe that a good government is a government firmly based on fundamental principles, the first of which must be that the long-range welfare, security, and racial quality of our people is the ultimate good. A good government is a government which implements continuing, farsighted programs consistent with this principle; it is not a government like the one we have now, which embodies no coherent national purpose, which is swayed by every minority pressure group, and which bases its policies on shortsighted, partisan considerations, drifting from one crisis to another and seldom planning beyond the next election.

We believe that, in addition to a principled, responsible government, we must have a society which facilitates progress in all realms of life: that is, a society whose institutions and values are conductive to advancement not only in material efficiency, but also in artistic achievement, in moral and physical health, and in racial quality. And we believe that all of these things are closely bound together. We can have a healthy, vital artistic life once again only when we reject the false notion of artistic universalism and encourage our young artists and musicians to express the inherent values and feelings of our own people in their creative work. Likewise, our educational system should concern itself not only with training our young people in the basic skills of civilized life and giving them pride in their racial, cultural, and national heritage, but also with building character in them. Self-reliance, moral toughness, a sense of personal honor, and physical fitness are qualities at least as important in our citizens as a knowledge of facts and techniques. All young people of our race must have instilled in them a sense of quality instead of equality; they must be taught to embrace discipline and order instead of being encouraged to succumb to permissiveness and chaos.

We believe that our people must be united by the common goal of building a better race. Today, without a common national-racial purpose, we are unable to focus our energies and achieve the great things which otherwise would be within our grasp. But once we are united on the basis of common blood, organized and disciplined within a progressive social order, and inspired by a common set of ideals, there will be no problem which we cannot overcome, no enemy whom we cannot vanquish, and no goal which we cannot attain.

We believe that the first step toward this goal must be the gathering together of all those men and women of our race who share our beliefs and who are willing to participate in our effort to raise the consciousness of others.

What would the Jew do without his Holocaust®?

From Brief Commentary, National Vanguard Magazine Issue No. 88, July 1982:

MURDEROUS Menachem [Begin] is in the fourth day of his newest invasion of Lebanon as this issue goes to press. Those troublesome Palestinians, who just will not let his fellow Israelis enjoy their stolen country in peace, must be taught a lesson. So his brave, Jewish stormtroopers are giving the Palestinian women and children in the Lebanese refugee camps another good taste of napalm and shrapnel.

Poor Ronnie [Reagan], who gave Menacham the napalm and the fragmentation bombs and told him for the fourteenth time that he was not to use them for aggressive purposes, like he has used all the weapons given to him earlier, is embarrassed by Menachem's latest display of contempt for his American benefactors but dares not say anything.

Never fear: the controlled media are covering for him. Interspersed with maudlin reviews of the latest "Holocaust" epic from Hollywood are headlines about how the U.S. government brought 300 Russian "Nazis" to this country after the Second World War and helped them escape their just desserts at the hands of our gallant Soviet allies for mistreating Soviet Jews. The very least the U.S. government can do to make up for that is help the Jews kill a few more Palestinians.

What would Menachem and his tribe do without the Holocaust? Why, they might be held accountable for their actions, just like ordinary people! No wonder they fly into such a rage whenever anyone questions their famous "six million" figure!

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"[T]hey regard each one of those 'six million' as money in the bank."

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For the sake of comparison, consider the case of the Mennonites, an unworldly, pacifist Christian sect, named after their 16th-century founder. Sixty years ago nearly half of the Mennonites in the world lived in Russia, and nearly all of these were systematically murdered by the Communists.

No one disputes the fact that the massacre occurred, and yet the Mennonites living today in Canada and the United States never belabor it. They are deeply concerned about starvation in Africa, and they draw back at the very thought of anti-Semitism, but they seem to feel that their own coreligionists' sufferings are but a small part of the human tragedy.

Imagine an American approaching one of these pious, humble people and saying something like, "I don't believe the Communists really killed 100,000 of your people. I think the actual number was closer to 10,000, and many of those were not actually murdered, but succumbed to starvation and typhus under Communist rule."

He would probably scratch his chin, look the American in the eye, and calmly reply: "Why, that's an interesting thought. You got anything I can read on the subject?"

One can dispute with any number of nationalities who have suffered persecution in the past, until one is blue in the face, without provoking that special wrath unleashed by the Jews on anyone who questions the highly suspect details of their own claim to martyrdom. The reason is that they regard each one of those "six million" as money in the bank.

What Mad Bomber Menachem and many of his tribe do not seem to realize, however, is that, regardless of how many of them suffered during the Second World War, their "six million" bank account is long overdrawn.
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CANADA also has its cross to bear. May 14 of this year [1982] was the 34th anniversary of the Jews' 1948 announcement that they were taking Palestine away from the Palestinians and renaming it Israel. The Jews of Sarnia, a town of 54,000 in southwestern Ontario, asked the mayor to fly the Israeli flag in front of city hall for the day. The mayor, Marceil Saddy, who is Lebanese by birth, refused.

The Jews then demanded a special session of the City Council, at which they screamed "pig," "bigot," "racist," and "idiot" at Saddy. It took the other council members about 30 seconds to overrule Saddy, run down the Canadian flag, and run up the Israeli flag in its place.
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Speech in Parma, Ohio, 5 April 1998

The topic is the range of people that the National Alliance should be trying to reach and influence, if not actually recruit into the organization, and how it might be possible to reach them. In the course of this discourse Dr. Pierce articulates his rationale for buying Resistance Records.

Tom Metzger was also present and spoke for a few minutes after Dr. Pierce.

Can a Universalist Middle-Eastern Creed Save the White Race?

Selected 'Brief Commentary' from National Vanguard magazine Issue #87, June 1982

CHRISTIAN researchers have put 14 years of painstaking effort into a valuable new reference work, World Christian Encyclopedia, which has just been published by Oxford University Press. It is crammed with up-to-date data of all sorts of the world's religious groups, and some of the demographic data tell an especially interesting story about the future of Christianity.

It is becoming more a Black man's religion -- and less a White man's -- with each passing day. Every day 7,600 Whites cease to be practicing Christians, according to World Christian Encyclopedia, while Christianity gains 16,000 Black Africans (4,000 per day through conversion and 12,000 through births).

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"[Christianity] is becoming more a Black man's religion."

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In 1900 two-thirds of the world's Christians lived in Europe (including Russia). Last year the balance tipped, with non-White Christians becoming the majority. By the year 2000 three-fifths of the world's Christians will live in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

Another interesting datum is the result of a careful counting of Jews in the United States. World Christian Encyclopedia says there are 7.1 million of them, which is about a million more than than the Jewish organizations which keep track of such things will admit to. Perhaps there are more "survivors" than anyone had dreamed.

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SOUTH AFRICA'S Prime Minister Pieter W. Botha, who has been softening up his country for a sellout ever since he took office, announced his plan earlier this year for sharing power with non-Whites. Said Botha: "We are not taking a highway to complete intetegration [but are seeking] the decent, Christian course of action in granting the Coloreds the right of self-determination..."

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"[L]eaders of the Dutch Reformed Church branded apartheid 'heresy'."

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South Africa's church leaders now seem to be in full agreement with Botha with that. While in the past only the liberal denominations -- Roman Catholic, Anglican and others associated with the English minority -- were advocates of Black power, since the beginning of this year the ultra-conservative Dutch Reformed Church of the Afrikaner majority also has called for power sharing and racial mixing. During a January church conference held in Pretoria, leaders of the Dutch Reformed Church branded apartheid "heresy."

Indictment of Christianity by National Alliance Member

Nobler View Wanted
Letter to Editor of National Vanguard magazine issue #103, January-February 1985

I am White and proud of it, but still there are moments when I can hardly restrain my contempt for the values of my fellow Whites. Last weekend, when I attended the funeral of my grandfather, I experienced such a moment.

My grandfather was a man as noble in stature, as high-minded in judgment, as great in soul as any man I have ever met. He was not, however, religious in any conventional sense until the waning years of his life, when his health began to fail and he came under the influence of fundamentalist Christians. Even then I never knew him to speak of God or an afterlife except in picturesque metaphors from Indian folklore which he drew from his many years as superintendent of several Indian reservations.

At my grandfather's funeral, speeches were given both by a Christian minister and by the chairman of the Southern Ute tribe, an Indian. I was struck by the contrast between the two speeches. The minister used the occasion to preach a sermon about the Christian's victory over death through acceptance of Christ. To my mind this was exploitation of the lowest type; a grieving family is particularly susceptible to such proselytizing. But the worst part was that there was hardly a word about my grandfather; none of the accomplishments of his long life seemed to matter. My grandfather was judged by the sole criterion of whether he "believed in Christ."

It was different with the Indian. He spoke of my grandfather as a "big man," a chief, and praised his character, ambition, and love of family. The Indian's speech was such as our White ancestors might have spoken of a fallen chief in the millennia before Christianity.

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If all that counts in a person's life is a single act of faith, an "acceptance of Christ," then a street bum can be equal

of our noblest sons, for that bum too can "believe."

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I know that many of my fellow Whites are Christians, sincerely and ardently so. It is beyond my poor powers to change their beliefs. But I ask them to consider one thing: If all that counts in a person's life is a single act of faith, an "acceptance of Christ," then a street bum can be equal of our noblest sons, for that bum too can "believe."

No doctrine of human betterment can be built on such a foundation. A truer, nobler view must be found. After 2,000 years of Christianity it is to our shame that we have much to learn on this score from the Indians.

G.A.
Chevy Chase, MD

Dr. Pierce's Tribute to Robert Mathews

What It Will Take
Editorial from National Vanguard magazine #103, January-February 1985

The longest-running national news story of recent months certainly must be the one about the Aryan Resistance Movement (also named in various news accounts as the White American Bastion, the Silent Brotherhood, and the Order). Newspapers have reported, week after week, on multimillion-dollar armored-car robberies and a counterfeiting operation intended to finance a violent overthrow of the U.S. government, fiery shootouts between White revolutionaries and SWAT teams of Federal police agents, an assassination of a Jewish radio commentator and alleged "hit lists" of government officials to be killed, and massive FBI manhunts for surviving members of a group that is said to have involved no more than 40 members. Interest in the Aryan Resistance Movement (ARM) on the part of the television networks and the nationally circulated print media seems still to be growing.

The fascination this story holds for the minions of the controlled media may be due to any of several features. First, there is the sheer scale and relative professionalism of the thing. Previous instances of direct action by "White extremists" have been on the order of three or four Ku Klux Klansmen tanking up on beer and then firing a shotgun from a pickup truck as they sped through a Black neighborhood. By way of contrast, in just one armored-car hijacking (in Ukiah, California) 17 members of ARM, operating with military precision, riddled a Brink's truck with automatic-rifle fire and made off with $3.6 million in cash. The group recruited two Brink's branch managers and were preparing to clean out the main Brink's vaults in San Francisco, where as much as $50 million in cash is kept, when an informer betrayed them. By that time ARM had accumulated a million-dollar arsenal of military weapons, including machine guns, hand grenades, and night-vision sights for their automatic-rifles, as well as high-tech communications equipment and a huge store of explosives.

Then there is the scope of ARM's aims. Violent White resistance in the past nearly always has been strictly local in character, and largely unplanned: ad hoc opposition to a forced busing program, to the destruction of a White neighborhood by a Federal race-mixing decree, or to public activity by an anti-White group. A notable example of the last was the 1979 shootout between Klan members and Black and Jewish members of the Communist Workers' Party, in Greensboro, North Carolina, in which five Communists were killed.

ARM, on the other hand, set its sights on a full-scale, armed revolution, ending with the purification of the U.S. population and the institution of a race-based, authoritarian government. It recruited its activists throughout the country, and it carried out its strikes in half-a-dozen states. Whether or not these strikes were ill-advised, whether or not the recruiting tactics were well thought out, even the question of the feasibility of any type of armed action against the U.S. government under the conditions which now prevail -- these questions are beside the point. The fact is that because of ARM, White resistance in America will never again be the same. The stakes have been raised substantially, and a new level of action has been set, which will be the baseline for future efforts.

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ARM set its sights on a full-scale, armed revolution, ending with the purification of the U.S. population and the institution of a race-based, authoritarian government.

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But ARM is unique in more ways than the magnitude of its plans and the spectacular nature of its operations. There has been an element of do-or-die heroism, of fanaticism and determination, and of idealistic motivation in the group which causes the heart to swell and the blood to pump more strongly in some observers -- and which causes cold shivers in others. The gentlemen of the press belong almost entirely to the latter group, but even in this deracinated rabble there are a few who still are able to recognize heroism when they see it, and who cannot help but feel a twinge of the White man's natural response to it. Thus, some of the early Washington-state newspaper stories of the death of the group's leader, Robert Mathews, after his single-handed standoff against 100 secret policemen -- especially those stories which quoted from his last testament, a moving document indeed, written just two days before -- lacked the sneering, spiteful tone of later, nationally-distributed news stories.

The real portent of the ARM saga, in fact, lies in the character of Mathews. He hardly fit the controlled media's stereotyped image of the White activist -- that of the deranged "hater" or the cowardly braggart. He was a man who had no time or inclination to hate or brag. He was an intensely earnest man, a passionate man, with strong convictions about what was right and what was wrong, but he also was a very private man, who believed in leaving others alone as long as they left him alone.

In the little town of Metaline Falls, Washington, where he spent the last decade building a small farm on land he cleared from the forest and providing for his wife and son, he was known as a "straight arrow": always friendly and helpful, but never nosy; a hard, steady worker; a non-drinker and non-smoker.

That is not to say that Mathews was oblivious to what was going on elsewhere in the world. He had a voracious interest in both current events and history, and he spent much of his spare time in serious reading. He wanted to understand his race's past, so that he could make some sense out of the chaotic present and gain some hint of what the future might hold.

As his understanding grew, so did his concern -- and so also did, to use his own words, "a suppressed emotion buried deep within my soul, that of racial pride and consciousness." He viewed with increasing alarm the darkening of America by an unchecked horde of non-White immigrants, the insidious inculcation of non-White values into young Americans by a degenerate educational system and alien-controlled entertainment media, the treasonous subservience of the nation's political leaders to a bloodthirsty band of gangsters in the Middle East.

"By the time my son had arrived," he wrote in his last testament, "I realized that White America -- indeed my entire race -- was headed for oblivion, unless White men rose and turned the tide. The more I came to love my son, the more I realized that, unless things changed radically, by the time he was my age he would be a stranger in his own land, a blond-haired, blue-eyed Aryan in a country populated mainly by Mexicans, mulattoes, Blacks, and Asians. His future was growing darker by the day."

This realization that his nation and the future of his son were being destroyed before his eyes tormented Mathews. What distressed him even more, however, was the pusillanimous acceptance by his fellow Americans of the evils overtaking the country. Earlier he had written: "A great sickness has overcome us. Why do our people do nothing? What madness is this?"

He contrasted the selfish and cowardly behavior of most White Americans today with their heroism of an earlier era, and with the heroism of their European forbears. "Were the men of the Alamo only a myth?" he asked.

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The evil which has spread across the land can still be destroyed, but only by men like Robert Mathews -- only when enough such men have been awakened and have said to themselves, as he did: "I have no choice. I must stand up like a White man and do battle."

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The more he agonized over these questions, the more clearly Mathews saw his own responsibility. Finally, his conscience would let him wait no longer. "I have no choice," he wrote. "I must stand up like a White man and do battle."

And he did.

He took up arms against the enemies of his race, knowing that he had virtually no chance of defeating them, or even of surviving more than a few skirmishes against their overwhelmingly greater resources. "Even so," he acknowledged, "I have no fear. For the reality of life is death, and the worse the enemy can do to me is shorten my tour of duty in this world. I will leave knowing my family and friends love me and support me. I will leave knowing that I have made the ultimate sacrifice to secure the future of my children."

He held to his resolve to do or die, until the end. On November 24, 1984, he and a companion were surprised in a Portland, Oregon motel by some two dozen Federal police agents, after an informer had betrayed him. His companion surrendered, but Mathews shot his way out of the trap in a blaze of gunfire. The following month he and a half-dozen associates were surrounded in their headquarters building on Whidbey Island, Washington, by a task force of more than 100 heavily armed secret policemen.

One or two of the revolutionaries slipped through the police lines and escaped. Of the others, all except Mathews surrendered. For 34 hours he exchanged gunfire with Federal agents, single-handedly repulsing two waves of agents who attempted to storm the headquarters. He used a machine gun to drive off an FBI attack helicopter. After the FBI succeeded in setting fire to the building with magnesium flares, Mathews continued firing through the smoke and flames. He died when tons of stored munitions exploded and demolished the building.

What Robert Mathews did will remain incomprehensible to many White Americans. How can your average "yuppy," steeped in the values of the "me" generation, understand Mathews' concern for the type of world his son would inherit?

How can the clever lawyer in his $500 suit, accustomed to figuring all the angles before making a move, fathom the soul of someone who knew that he must act, regardless of the personal consequences, because it was his responsibility as a man to do so?

How can America's soft, feminized, materialistic masses have any idea of the thinking of a man who made a deliberate choice to die, when he might have lived -- to die fearlessly and defiantly -- solely so his death could set an example for other fearless and defiant fighters who would follow him in the years and decades to come?

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How can America's soft, feminized, materialistic masses have any idea of the thinking of a man who made a deliberate choice to die, when he might have lived -- to die fearlessly and defiantly -- solely so his death could set an example for other fearless and defiant fighters who would follow him in the years and decades to come?

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No, many Americans will not understand. But some will. And they will also understand that in the final showdown there will be no other way but Bob Mathews' way.

No combination of clever lawyers, yuppies, and Joe Sixpacks will ever beat the Jews. Money will not beat them. Brains alone will not beat them. Votes will not beat them. But blood will, eventually.

The Jews know how to deal with materialists, who think the way they do. They have long experience at outmaneuvering clever schemers and outspending well-heeled opponents. They are past masters of intimidation and bribery. They will always whip those who try to fight them on the Jews' own terms.

But how will the Jews cope with the man who does not fear them and is willing, even glad, to give his life in order to hurt them? What will they do when a hundred good men rise up to take Bob Mathews' place? Where will they find enough secret police to protect them?

It is a hard truth to face, but America has gone far beyond the point where its problems might have been overcome bloodlessly or with relatively little sacrifice. The evil which has spread across the land can still be destroyed, but only by men like Robert Mathews -- only when enough such men have been awakened and have said to themselves, as he did: "I have no choice. I must stand up like a White man and do battle."