Dr. Pierce tells of changing strategy for the National Alliance

Transcript of a talk by Dr. Pierce to his followers back in the mid-1970s:

Changes Ahead

In the year which lies ahead of us, we must accomplish some things which we started to do this year but have not yet done. In order to accomplish those things we must make some substantial changes in the way we have been going about it. I want to talk to you tonight about those changes, but first I want to review the situation in which we find ourselves and the way we have responded to that saturation so far.

Perhaps the easiest way to begin is to refer to the film we saw here last Sunday, Triumph of the Will. That film showed us the triumphant outcome of an enormous and heroic act of will by an idealist, spiritually elite minority of the German people to free themselves form Jewish tyranny and cure themselves of the Jewish disease.

After World War I, the Jews had Germany exactly where they wanted her. She was defeated, demoralized, broke, and hungry--in other words, down, and so the Jews began kicking her. They launched a successful communist revolution in Bavaria, under Kurt Eisner. All over Germany they began acquiring the newspapers that were not already in their hands. As the economy collapsed, they took over more and more German businesses, homes, farms, shops, and factories. They slandered the German fighting men who had made such a heroic sacrifice at the front, much in the same way they incited the spoiled and mindless dregs of our own population here against the U.S. armed forces during the Vietnam War.

And everywhere they spread the infection of liberalism. Promoting every form of vice and degeneracy in the name of freedom. Homosexuality, drugs, prostitution, pornography, Negro music, degenerate art--all these things were pushed in Berlin and in the other major German cities to such an extent that Jews and liberals today still look back fondly on the decadence that they generated in the so-called Weimar Republic, which was Germany in the period form 1919 to 1933.

But the German people still had a strong and healthy minority among them which did not succumb to the Jewish poison. They defied the law--they defied the Jews and traitors who had taken over their country-- and they secretly acquired weapons and they trained themselves and they fought the criminals who were destroying their people. Jews like Eisner and Rathenau they shot down on the street like the dogs they were. One of the top communists, a Jewess named Rosa Luxembourg, got her brains smashed out with a rifle butt and her corpse thrown into a canal.

And Hitler and the people who worked with him built a fighting movement which eventually won the support of the great masses of the German people, and they took Germany away from the Jews and the liberals. What we saw last week was the outcome of a 14-year struggle and the beginning of the building of a new German society, a strong, vital, healthy German society with the same spiritual basis the we in the Alliance have today.

In achieving his victory--in his 14-year struggle against the Jews and their allies--Hitler did not compromise or equivocate. He did not pretend to be a "conservative" or a "right winger." He did not have any clever plan for sneaking up on the Jews form behind. He fought them openly and straightforwardly. He denounced them for the destructive parasites and the liars that they were, he announced that he intended to free this people form their influence, and he did it.

************************

[T]he Germans, even in the most degenerate years of the Weimar era, never sank to the moral and spiritual depths to which Americans have sunk today. 

************************

Now, what we done in Germany inspires all of us, I am sure. There are few, if any episodes in human history more beautiful and heroic than that which took place in Germany in the years 1919-1945--the rise and triumph of National Socialism. That is why the film, Triumph of the Will, has such a powerful effect on all of us. And we can learn many things from a study of the struggle of Germany.

But there are also some very significant differences between the German situation and ours today. For one thing, the Germans, even in the most degenerate years of the Weimar era, never sank to the moral and spiritual depths to which Americans have sunk today. The Jews did not have television in those days, and so they were not able to enforce the rigid conformity in public opinion in Germany that they are able to enforce in America. The Germans had a long and proud tradition of resistance to alien influences which we simply do not have here.

And the Germans did not have some 40 million or so Blacks, mulattos, quadroons, Chicanos, Middle Easterners, Far Easterners, and every other kind of non-White or half-White or three-quarters-White mongrel imaginable in their midst. They were all White, and they had only one enemy in their midst to focus on.

Well, despite the great physical and moral differences between the two situations, we have so far been going about our struggle here in much the same way the Germans went about theirs--that is by openly and straightforwardly exposing and attacking the Jews and the race-traitors who are destroying America. We have never equivocated or compromised. We have said as loudly and plainly as we know how what is wrong here and what needs to be done about it.

But we are not receiving form the American people the sort of response that the German National Socialists received from theirs. We are growing too slowly, and that is very dangerous. We are not recruiting new members fast enough; we are not building the circulation of ATTACK! fast enough; we are not increasing our resources fast enough to insure that we will be able to cross that crucial first threshold of viability we have talked about earlier, before it becomes too late.

We must reach the point beyond which that long-term survival of our community and the Truth it embodies can be assured no matter what happens, no matter how bad conditions become or what form of repression the enemy tries against us. We must cross that threshold before the Jews head us off at the pass, so to speak. But right now they are getting to the pass faster than we are.

So that means that, even though we are holding our own now--even though we could continue publishing our newspaper and our membership bulletin and holding our meeting indefinitely--we must do something else. We must reach the pass before the Jews do. The question is: How? How do we grow faster than we are growing now?

I have thought long and hard about this question, and I have listened to many suggestions form our members both here and around the country. I have been able to find only two possible answers.

The first answer takes us back again to the example the Germans set for us 50 years ago. We note that the Germans not only exposed and criticized the people who were attempting to destroy them, they not only published newspapers and leaflets attacking them and held protest meetings, they actually attacked them physically. And I don’t mean the way some of our so-called “militant” right-wing organizations attack the enemy today by having shoving contests during street demonstrations or by setting off stink bombs or playing other pranks on them. The German patriots shot them. They beat their brains out. They cut their throats.

And I have agonized over whether we should also do that. I have driven past Henry Kissinger’s townhouse probably 50 times when I had to go to Georgetown, and I have convinced myself that we could kill him, to a certain extent--but I have finally had to reject that answer, for this reason: any course of action we choose must not be chosen haphazardly, to suit our whims.

We cannot shoot Henry Kissinger just to see what happens or just because he needs shooting. Anything we do must be planned as carefully as it can be to fit into a strategy for reaching our goals--in this case, for crossing our threshold of viability. And I am convinced that shooting Kissinger would not help us reach that threshold, even if we got away with it so to speak--that is, even if we got credited for it--or suspected of it--without all getting locked up. And that is simply because the situation here is so different form what it was in Germany, in terms of the attitude of the public and the sort of reaction we could expect.

Actually, I think we have to give the German patriots credit for a lot more reckless bravery than we have so far shown, I don’t really believe they had yet worked out a long-range strategy before they began to act. In Eisner they saw a communist Jew who needed killing, so they killed him. And that act inspired others to kill Rathenau, who was to them simply a capitalist Jew who needed killing. They had the courage to act without regard for the consequences. And it so happened that the conditions in Germany were not altogether unfavorable for such a decision. But here it is different, I am convinced.

Anyway, if we wanted to begin physically attacking the enemy now, Kissinger would not be the best target--even though he still has a certain symbolic value. We do not need to begin shooting or stabbing or blowing up the Jews or the Blacks in America half so much as the Whites who collaborate with them. Instead of trying to assassinate all the head Jews or all the militant Blacks we might plan to strike Whites only--priests, judges, politicians, businessmen bureaucrats, editors and writers and news commentators and race-mixers of all kinds--in a sustained campaign until any White who collaborates with Jews or who defiles his race must be constantly in fear for his life. And so that the Jews, without so many White collaborators to front for them--without so many shabbos goyim--must take a more exposed position, so that it is evident to everyone who is running the System. Then after that has been achieved, we could begin dealing with non-Whites.

But the fact is that we cannot yet--or should not yet-- begin such a campaign, because we cannot sustain it, and it would not be successful. We certainly do not want to go out in a blaze of glory like the Symbionese Liberation Army. The issue at stake is for too important for futile gestures.

So if we rule out that answer for now, we must turn instead to the second one, and that is to place more emphasis on building our foundations than we have in the past. That means a shifting of emphasis form attacking the enemy to teaching. preaching, and developing our resources for recruiting. It means less emphasis on the negative, on immediate problems and provocations, and more emphasis on the positive, on our long-range goal of striving toward Godhood.

************************

[W]e can’t change [things] until we can provide a healthier spiritual environment... 

************************

That may seem contradictory, since the thing we must do is achieve our short-range goal of crossing the threshold of viability--and we must do that as soon as possible, which means we must grow faster than we are growing now. And when one is faced with an urgent problem, an acute problem, one’s natural tendency is to lower one’s sights, forget about longer-range problems, and concentrate all one’s energy on immediate things.

In addition to that, the provocations the enemy presents us with almost daily are very hard to ignore. To allow the people who write the lies in the Washington Post to go unpunished, to fail to take action against the degenerates who promote racial mixing on the television networks, seems dishonorable. When one sees a racially mixed couple in public, one feels a moral obligation to do something. It is a national disgrace that Henry Kissinger has not been shot.

Even if one doesn’t take some physical action in these cases, one feels compelled to shout out one’s feelings to the public, to expose and condemn the malice and the greed and the foolishness which is destroying our race. One feels compelled to warn the people, over and over again. One feels that one must challenge a situation in which everything rotten and degenerate is held up to praise and everything right and good and noble is condemned.

But that is exactly what we have been spending most of our time and energy doing until now, and, regardless of how commendable or how justified such activity may be, it is not getting the job done well enough or fast enough.

It doesn’t do much good to say that if we could reach a million people each month with our newspaper and if 500 or 1,000 people came to each of our Sunday-evening meetings, then the types of things we are doing now would be sufficient.The fact is that we have certain resources now, and we are using all of them doing certain things, and we are not getting results fast enough. So we have to use those resources in some other ways instead--ways that will allow our resources to increase faster than they are increasing now, so that one day we can reach a million people each month with exposures and condemnations of the enemy and warnings for our people. And so we can launch sustained campaigns of direct action which can be maintained in the face of all the repressive power the enemy can bring to bear against us.

So more teaching and preaching and developing our resources for recruiting--a diversion of a part of our present resources form exposures and warnings to longer-range goals, a raising of our sights: Why should this be more successful than what we are doing now?

The answer is: Because of what the American people we’re trying to reach are like. Because of the reactions we have observed over and over again to what we are doing now.

Aside form the liberals and the conservatives, that is, people who, either though wrong-headedness or ignorance, don’t agree with us, the two most common negative reactions we encounter are fear and lethargy or lack of incentive. Let’s consider fear first.

We find two kinds of fear. One kind is unreasoning fear many people have that if they become affiliated with us in any way, even to extent of subscribing to ATTACK! the government or the Jews or the Blacks will find out about it and get back at them in some way. Some people imagine that Blacks in the postal service will notice that they are receiving ATTACK! in the mail and will assault them or say something hostile to them and embarrass them. Some imagine that the Jews will find out about them and will do something to damage their business or their credit rating or will somehow get them fired form their jobs. Others have a really pathological fear of the FBI. They are terrified by the thought that the FBI will put them on some sort of "enemies list."

To those of us who understand a little better the way things actually work, such fears seem laughable and contemptible. We may be inclined to say that we don’t need such paranoids and cowards. But it is a fact that a very large portion of the population which otherwise agrees with us is afflicted by such fear, and it seriously limits our recruiting.

The thing which makes me feel there is some hope for recruiting many of these frightened people and getting some useful participation out of them is the memory of my own feelings 10 years ago, when I first published something critical of the System. I was afraid then. I was really worried that I might be assaulted on the streets by gangsters hired by the Jews and that hostile Blacks might try to break into my home and harm my family.

I soon found out how foolish my fears were. That doesn’t mean, of course, that there are no dangers in what we are doing, but the dangers are not what most people imagine them to be. And I am sure that if we could make the initial step of becoming affiliated with us less frightening, many more people wild be able to take the initial step and then, later, overcome their fears and go much further with us.

There is also another kind of fear people have, and that is a fear of doing something or being associated with something unpopular, something which will bring the disapproval of their friends or neighbors or co-workers. It’s a manifestation of herd instinct.

Now, the Jews have very wisely blackened, in the public mind, everything in which we believe. They have attempted to protect themselves by making any resistance to them, any White efforts at self-defense, seem disreputable. The average American is more terrified of being considered a racist--even it he is one, and most people are--than he is of being assaulted on the street or arrested by the FBI.

Again, just as with the other type of fear, we may be inclined to hold such people in contempt and to say that any worthwhile person should have the courage of his convictions. But, in fact, most Americans who agree with us do not have the courage of their convictions, and it doesn’t do us any more good to lament that fact than it does to lament the fact that people are so blind as not to see what the Jews are up to or so self-centered and materialistic as not to care. That’s the way people are, and we can’t change it until we can provide a healthier spiritual environment for them.

There are still people left in this country who have not spooked themselves with exaggerated fears of Black mailmen or the FBI and who are not afraid of being called a racist. We want and need such people. But I believe experience is showing us that there just aren’t enough such people. We need others too, and if we are to recruit them, we must try to find ways to help them overcome their fears.

There is no perfect solution to this problem, I am sure. There will always be people too timid to join us, no matter how much care we take to avoid spooking them. And we will always be too disreputable for some people, no matter how we try to change our public image. But I believe that downplaying the negative a bit and accentuating the positive can help our recruiting a great deal.

I am not talking about compromising our ideals in any way. I am not talking about ceasing to expose and condemn the Jews and those of our own race who collaborate with them. But I am talking about making it a little easier for those to join us who are not quite as strong or as brave as we would like. And that will mean shifting of emphasis.

************************

Some of the things which in the past have been explicit--about physical action, about racial matters and the Jews, will have to be left implicit in the material intended for public distribution.

************************

This shift will have to be mad primarily in our newspaper and in our leaflets and other printed materials. Some of the things which in the past have been explicit--about physical action, about racial matters and the Jews, will have to be left implicit in the material intended for public distribution.

Now, besides fear, the other problem I mentioned which we have to deal with if we are to grow faster is lack of motivation. Both among the public and among our own members we have a severe problem of inactivity--of people who are not afraid to come to meetings or to distribute ATTACK!s or to recruit other people, but who don’t do these things because they would rather watch TV.

We have not succeeded to the extent we should have in making these people want to participate. And for nearly everyone, that’s the key. They have to want to do something or they won’t do it. A sense of duty just isn’t sufficient, except for a very few--too few. Remember, we’re dealing mostly with the Spock generation.

This doesn’t mean we need a fun-and games approach to our revolution. It’s still going to be hard work and sacrifice, and there’s no way of changing that. But we can do a better job of motivating people to do their duty. And I believe there are two ways we can increase motivation. One way is through an increased understanding of our long-range goals--that is, though a raised state of consciousness, both among our own people and those we are tying to recruit. The other way is to try harder to have an organization which fills a real need in people’s lives.

The first way means more education and more consciousness-raising, with a stress on the message in our Affirmation. It means a bigger effort to make potential recruits fully aware that we are trying to do much more than solve a number of acute social and racial problems now confronting America--that our work is not over when the last Jew and the last shabbos goy have been buried, but that it will really be just beginning then--that the problems of today are merely an initial roadblock which must be cleared away so that we can begin a program of building and climbing that will go on and on, for generation after generation. And, again, that means a shifting of emphasis away form the terrible and disgusting things that are going on now which we want to stop to the new things that we want to begin doing in a cleansed America and in a cleansed world.

The second way means providing an opportunity for a sense of community in the lives of those who now have none, who feel isolated and alone in a hostile world because their outlook is similar to ours. It means providing a hope of fulfillment, a hope of doing something worthwhile, something with eternal meaning and significance, for those who have the terrible knowledge that their lives now are without meaning or significance and are thus being wasted.

And, again, that means a shift of emphasis form short-range things to long-range things. It means stressing the spiritual basis of our organization even at the expense of temporarily neglecting some of the current problems in the world around us.

It is too often the case now, I believe, that we try to recruit someone on the basis of working with us to halt the takeover of our schools by Black savages or to free our national news networks from Jewish control, and the prospective recruit agrees with us that it would be nice to do these things, but he looks at us--a few hundred people with no apparent resources beyond a monthly tabloid newspaper, and he looks at the enemy’s enormous resources, and he shakes his head and says to himself, “No way.” He just can’t work up any enthusiasm or motivation for trying to do something he doesn’t believe can be done. It’s just not worth the trouble, the embarrassment, the risk, the expense. So he stays in front of his TV set.

If, instead, that prospective recruit saw in us a spiritually compatible community which he might join, a group of kindred spirits whose beliefs and teaching he found exciting and soul-satisfying in themselves, then he might very well leave his television and participate with us in spreading our message because he wanted to, because he found it rewarding in itself. And so might many others also. And then what had seemed impossible before will have become possible, because we will have become much more than a few hundred, and our resources will have become much more than a single monthly tabloid.

Many of the ways in which we will shift emphasis in the months ahead remain to be seen. Some are already in progress. ATTACK! will change. Our BULLETIN will change. We will publish, as soon as we possibly can, a book citing a clear and fairly complete exposition of our philosophy and our long-term goals, that is, of the [Cosmotheist] spiritual basis of our existence.

But whatever we do will remain implicit in and derived form the one, eternal Truth contained in our Affirmation. We will merely be trying new ways of presenting that Truth, emphasizing new aspects of it, drawing new conclusions from it.

And whatever we do will depend upon the full and wholehearted participation of all those here tonight and all our bothers and sisters in spirit and in blood across the continent who also receive this message.

W.L.P.

Dr. Pierce Discusses Shabbos Goy Chris Christie

[Chris Christie is] "a fellow who will always go along in order to get along."

- Dr. William L. Pierce (1983)

Commentary from the October 1983 issue of National Alliance Bulletin:

Chris Christie angered over National Alliance presence on campus 

The reaction of University of Delaware officials and the "in crowd" on the student newspaper staff and in the student government, as indicated in the student newspaper, to an Alliance leaflet distribution was disappointing but not surprising. The student government president, Chris Christie, quoted in the student newspaper article reproduced here, is pictured elsewhere in the newspaper flashing a toothy TV smile suitable for a political candidate. He has the distinct appearance of a young man cut out to become president of the local Jaycees wherever he take up residency after graduation: a fellow who will always go along in order to get along.

                                                Flashing toothy TV smile suitable for a political candidate

What is more interesting is the reaction of the university officials, who acted as if the making available to the students and faculty at the University of Delaware of the names of the men who own and/or mange America’s news and entertainment media were a crime--or, at least, a very reprehensible act of "racial and religious discrimination." This is almost exactly the reaction which member James McDonald received from local officials in San Jose, CA, when he distributed information on the racial characteristics of rapists there (see "The Law" in NV No. 97.) And it is the reaction which members can expect to encounter more frequently in the future, as the fear of heresy become stronger and stronger among demoralized, frightened, insecure White Americans. Increasingly they will seek the approval of Jews, Blacks, and other organized minorities by turning on anyone who speaks out against the revealed religion of multiracial equality and brotherhood. This fear-conditioned behavior, immune to reason, will not change so long as the unorganized White masses perceive organized minorities as stronger than organized, racially conscious Whites.

The best way for Alliance members to combat this behavior is through boldness: by handing leaflets directly to students instead of surreptitiously placing them under windshield wipers at night, by deliberately engaging then in discussion on the issues, by challenging apologists for the Jews to public debate, by speaking out in social-studies classes whenever the opportunity arises, by becoming as insistent and obnoxious as necessary to gain equal space in the student newspaper, by knowing exactly what their rights and the laws are. The other side cannot, of course, debate the issues on the facts, since the facts are against them. Therefore, the Chris Christie types, when faced with a bold, capable Alliance member, must either back down and look foolish and weak, or they must resort to Jewish methods: lawyerly debating tricks and deception, emotional appeals, organized badgering and heckling, even physical intimidation--especially if there is a large non-White contingent on the campus.

Republican Party presidential hopeful Chris Christie with friends

There are few Alliance members who are usually able to acquit themselves well in such situations; they have quick wits, steady nerves, and strong lungs. Others can develop their abilities in this direction, to a certain extent, through training and practice. But there are many members who will not perform well in such situations. They can use their energies more effectively in one-on-one personal recruiting, in assisting someone else who is experienced and capable at public reaching--or in individual impersonal recruiting activities which involve a minimum of public contact, such as placing leaflets under windshield wipers.

It should be understood, however, that these last-mentioned activities cannot be expected to have a significant effect on public opinion, which is formed almost entirely by sub-rational processes; facts alone, outside a personal-social context, mean very little to the average citizen. Even a leaflet as simple and straightforward as Who Rules America? can hardly be assimilated by someone who is afraid that the information therein may be dangerous or ever controversial. A saturation of a university campus with leaflets will not by itself--without a good deal of accompanying, effective public activity--cause the average White student to change his attitudes. The "verbal and physical abuse" of Jews at the University of Delaware mentioned in the student newspaper article was based entirely on an unreasoning, instinctive dislike of Jews by White students there, not on any understanding of the Jews’ destructive role in White society.

There is some value, of course, in simply disseminating facts and ideas, whether the public is capable of making intelligent use of them or not: they are seeds, which will lodge themselves in even the most infertile minds and remain there until the opportunity to sprout and grow comes, perhaps many years later.

W.L.P.

Dr. Pierce analyses usefulness of Internet to National Alliance

Commentary by Dr. Pierce to his members in August 1998 internal National Alliance BULLETIN:

Staying In Touch

In the past four years the Internet has grown from practically nothing to our single most powerful medium for reaching the public with our message.

At our two sites -- http://www.natvan.com and http://www.natall.com -- we offer a very large quantity and variety of materials in text, audio, and image files: nearly 100 megabytes of information capable of providing literally hundreds of hours of reading and listening to interested members of the public, free of charge. We are adding to this material almost on a daily basis.

Parts of our material are available in German, French, and Swedish as well as English. On an average day about 6,000 visitors avail themselves of information from our sites. It is estimated that this year more than 80 million people around the world will have access to the Internet, and this audience is growing at a rate of about 30 percent per year. Furthermore, the Internet audience is a cut above the general population -- i.e., the television audience -- in socioeconomic and intelligence levels. Joe and Jill Sixpack are far less likely to be serious Internet users than are professionals, executives, academics, and university students.

Unfortunately, however, as the number of people using the Internet has grown, the average quality of the users inevitably has declined, and certain pathologies have developed in association with Internet usage. One sees evidence of this most often in Usenet, an Internet adjunct consisting of so-called "discussion groups," where anyone can join -- or eavesdrop on -- discussions on virtually any subject. Theoretically, discussion groups might seem like a wonderful idea; an opportunity for everyone to have his say on an equal basis, without Jewish censorship. People can say what they really think about the government, about race, about the Jews, or about anything else. And many people do.

The reason people are willing to say what they think on Usenet is that they can do so anonymously. Miserable cowards, who would never dare challenge the Politically Correct party line in real life, do so in discussion groups without fear, because no one knows who they are or where they live. This feature has a terrific attraction for a type of person, who is unable to cope with the real world but can feel himself a hero in cyberspace. It also has an attraction for many with an excessively verbal personality, who are hypnotized by any flow of words, especially their own. It has long been my observation that people who talk the most do the least, and Usenet has picked up a following of ineffective people: losers and non-copers who like to talk.

For a while the Alliance had a Cybercell, whose members would participate in discussion groups in an organized way, dominating the discussions. The theory behind this activity was that most people have no strong convictions and have weak, feminine natures. They will adopt as their own whatever party line seems to have the strongest support: whichever side in a debate is able to shout down its opponents will be able to sway the crowd toward its position. The theory seemed to work well enough, and the Cybercell made its presence felt in many discussion groups, one at a time -- although it is by no means certain that our success in shouting down our opponents had any lasting effects on other discussion-group participants.

Eventually I decided that it did not behoove the Alliance to continue to participate in discussion groups, and the Cybercell was disbanded. The reason for this decision was the total lack of self-discipline in the discussion groups. Of course, members were free to continue participating in discussion groups on an individual basis if they wished.

In the real world people understand that their words have consequences and that they must therefore choose them with a certain amount of care. What other people think of them will depend to a large degree on what they say, and almost no one wants to be thought a fool. Furthermore, in the real world careless talk can result in one getting punched in the nose or worse. It is for this reason that our race developed, through the evolutionary process, the value we place on politeness and decorum; down through the ages our politer ancestors got into fewer unnecessary fights and were more likely to live long enough to father children than were their peers who shot off their mouths too recklessly. In cyberspace, however, none of these considerations apply for most of the people involved in discussion groups. Their behavior is very close to infantile, and their talk is foolish indeed. Discussions very often degenerate into name-calling and tantrums. Even some Alliance members succumbed to this general atmosphere of indiscipline and began swapping insults with their opponents. The general level of debate sank so low that I decided discussion-group activity was too undignified for us to continue participating; better to let someone else become the undisputed mud-wrestling champion of the topless-bar circuit.

Since the disbanding of our Cybercell I have continued to sample the activity of discussion groups occasionally, and I have detected another pathology, in addition to the indiscipline and lack of dignity. There is a loss of contact with the real world in these groups. It is as if the words being spewed by all concerned have some claim on reality of their own. Perhaps one should not be surprised by such a development on the part of people who have grown up believing that the world shown to them on their television sets is more "real" than the real world.

One change which should go a long way toward restoring a little self-discipline and contact with reality to Usenet discussion groups would be a tag attached to every posting, with the poster's real name and address something like caller-ID for telephones. Such a development would send about 98 per cent of current discussion group participants scurrying back in to their closets and substantially raise the level of the discussions, much in the way Caller ID cut the number of telephoned death threats to the National Office to virtually zero. Since such a development is quite unlikely, however, discussion groups will remain for the foreseeable future much like playground sandboxes filled with spoiled, hyperactive four-year-olds, many of them suffering from motormouth disease.

Since most of the people the Alliance is interested in are mature and receptive enough to respond negatively to this childish, and undisciplined, and unrealistic environment and are therefore not likely to spend any time in discussion groups, it is really questionable whether or not an Alliance member can serve any useful purpose at all by participating in these groups.

W.L.P.

http://whitebiocentrism.com/viewtopic.php?f=28&t=488

The Roots of Black Slavery

by Dr. William L. Pierce

Slavery and cannibalism are traditional in Black Africa.

ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL ELEMENTS in the mythology of racial equality being propagated by the mass media, the schools, the churches, and numerous governmental agencies in America today is that of White responsibility for the Negro’s servile status in the past. According to the mythmakers it was the White man’s greed for the Black man’s labor which brought about the institution of Black slavery.

Prior to White encroachments into Africa south of the Sahara, beginning around the start of the 16^th century, so the myth goes, Black Africans lived in a state of rustic innocence in their thatched huts, happily busying themselves with farming, handicrafts, colorful festivities, charming native customs, and so on. Then the cruel and rapacious White slave traders suddenly appeared on this blissful scene with their guns, brutally rounded up Blacks, packed them aboard slave ships, and sent them off to a life of slavery and misery in America.

“Whites didn’t start Black slavery; they stamped it out.”

That is the way the story went in the widely ballyhooed TV drama Roots, and that is about the way it goes in the newer history textbooks approved for use in the public schools. It is the “guilt” associated with this alleged enslavement of the Black race by our ancestors that Christian preachers and Federal bureaucrats alike use as a moral bludgeon to coerce a reluctant White majority in America into going along with the racial hiring and promotion quotas, the forced housing and forced busing schemes, and the thousand other racially destructive programs which characterize the policy of the ruling System.

The same myth is used to excuse the bloodiest and most savage depredations of the Black descendants of slaves against the White descendants of slaveholders today. The extraordinarily high incidence of violent Black crime in America is passed off as a manifestation of “Black rage,” justified by past and present inequities.

In the closing years of the 19^th century and the early years of this century, when many of our information media were still in the hands of the Gentile majority, such a myth could not be successfully propagated. Those were also the years when Whites were first becoming acquainted with Blacks in their natural state in the interior of sub-Saharan Africa, and there was a great deal of public interest in the reports of the White missionaries and explorers who pushed beyond the coastal trading posts into the dark heart of Africa. These reports were widely published in such journals asNational Geographic, Harper’s New Monthly Magazine, and The Century Magazine.

“Full of Christian charity…”

The authors of the reports were generally men full of Christian charity and fuzzy notions of interracial brotherhood, and they were writing for a readership still under the baleful influence of the abolitionist propaganda which had brought on the fratricidal disaster of the Civil War a few decades earlier. Yet they wrote truthfully about things they saw and experienced, and the facts they reported spoke for themselves.

Those facts spoke of African slavery, not as an alien institution introduced or sustained by the White man, but as a wholly indigenous institution, as widespread and as natural among Black Africans as the building of their thatched huts, the practice of voodoo rites, or the celebration of their many festivals, and with roots just as deep. All the evidence, in fact, indicates that the Black tribes of Africa had been enslaving one another, both for food and labor, since time immemorial. It was the White man’s intervention which eventually resulted in a substantial curtailment of African slavery and cannibalism, even though these practices still persist to a certain extent in Africa today.

And African slavery, as practiced by the Blacks, was a far more brutal and cruel institution than anything perpetrated on Blacks by White slave merchants. A salient feature of the reports by White missionaries and explorers in this regard was the bloodthirsty cruelty of Blacks in their natural state, their utter disregard for any life but their own, and their total lack of any sense of compassion for suffering fellow creatures.

There is a tendency today to dismiss as wholly self-serving the earlier claims of White slaveholders who defended their ownership of Blacks on humanitarian grounds, but the stark reality of African life in its natural state supports these claims-and it also gives us a new understanding of the Black predilection for especially savage and cruel acts of violence in America today.

Let us allow the facts now to speak for themselves. Everything which follows has been excerpted from a firsthand report titled “The Slave Trade in the Congo Basin.” It was written by E.J. Glave, an associate of the noted explorer, Sir Henry M. Stanley, and it was first published in the April 1890 issue of The Century Magazine.

 *  *  *

Author and explorer E.J. Glave

“The heart of Africa is being rapidly depopulated in consequence of the enormous death toll caused by the barbarous slave-trade. It is not merely the bondage which slavery implies that should appeal to the sympathies of the civilized world; it is the bloodshed, cruelty, and misery which it involves.

“During my residence in Central Africa I was repeatedly traveling about in the villages along the Congo River and its almost unknown affluents, and in every new village I was confronted by fresh evidences of the horrible nature of this evil. I did not seek to witness the sufferings attendant upon this traffic in humanity, but cruelties of all kinds are so general that the mere passing visits which I paid brought me in constant contact with them….

“I first went to the Congo in 1883, and traveled without delay into the interior. Arriving at Stanley Pool, I received orders from my chief, Mr. Henry M. Stanley, to accompany him up river on his little boat the En Avant. Stanley at that time was engaged in establishing a few posts at important and strategic points along the upper river. Lukolela, eight hundred miles in the interior, was one decided upon, and I had the honor of being selected by him as chief of this post… Here I lived for twenty months, the only white man, so that I had every opportunity of studying native character and customs….

“At Lukolela… I had hardly settled down in my encampment when I was introduced to one of those horrible scenes of bloodshed which take place frequently in all the villages along the Congo, and which will be enacted so long as the life of a slave is counted as naught, and the spilling of his blood of as little account as that of a goat or a fowl.

“In this particular instance the mother of a chief having died, it was decided, as usual, to celebrate the evening with an execution. At the earliest streak of dawn the slow, measured beat of a big drum announces to all what is to take place, and warns the poor slave who is to be the victim that his end is nigh. It is very evident that something unusual is about to happen, and that the day is to be given up to some ceremony. The natives gather in groups and begin studiously to arrange their toilets, don their gayest loin-cloths, and ornament their legs and arms with bright metal bangles, all the time indulging in wild gesticulations and savage laughter as they discuss the coming event. Having taken a hasty meal, they produce from their houses all available musical instruments. The drums are wildly beaten as groups of men, women, and children form themselves in circles and excitedly perform dances, consisting of violent contortions of the limbs, accompanied with savage singing with repeated blasts of the war horns, each dancer trying outdo his fellow in violence of movement and strength of lung.

“Strapped to a stake…”

“About noon, from sheer exhaustion, combined with the heat of the sun, they are compelled to cease; then large jars of palm wine are produced, and a general bout of intoxication begins, increasing their excitement and showing up their savage nature in striking colors. The poor slave, who all this time has been lying in the corner of some hut, shackled hand and foot and closely watched, suffering the agony and suspense which this wild tumult suggests to him, is now carried to some prominent part of the village, there to be surrounded and to receive to the jeers and scoffs of the drunken mob of savages. The executioner’s assistants, having selected a suitable place for the ceremony, procure a block of wood about a foot square. The slave is then placed on this in a sitting posture; his legs are stretched out straight in front of him; the body is strapped to a stake reaching up the back to the shoulders. On each side stakes are placed under the armpits as props, to which the arms are firmly bound; other lashings are made to posts driven into the ground near the ankles and knees.

“A pole is now planted about ten feet in front of the victim, from the top of which is suspended, by a number of strings, a bamboo ring. The pole is bent over like a fishing-rod, and the ring fastened round the slave’s neck, which is kept rigid and stiff by the tension. During this preparation the dances are resumed, now rendered savage and brutal in the extreme by the drunken condition of the people. One group of dancers surround the victim and indulge in drunken mimicry of the contortions of face which the pain caused by this cruel torture forces him to show. But he has no sympathy to expect from this merciless horde.

“Presently in the distance approaches a company of two lines of young people, each holding a stem of the palm tree, so that an arch is formed between them, under which the executioner is escorted. The whole procession moves with a slow but dancing gait. Upon arriving near the doomed slave all dancing, singing, and drumming cease, and the drunken mob take their places to witness the last act of the drama.

“An unearthly silence succeeds. The executioner wears a cap composed of black cocks’ feathers; his face and neck are blackened with charcoal, except the eyes, the lids of which are painted with white chalk. The hands and arms to the elbow, and feet and legs to the knee, are also blackened. His legs are adorned profusely with broad metal anklets, and around his waist are strung wild-cat skins. As he performs a wild dance around his victim, every now and then making a feint with his knife, a murmur of admiration arises from the assembled crowd. He then approaches and makes a thin chalk mark on the neck of the fated man. After two or three passes of the knife, to get the right swing, he delivers the fated blow, and with one stroke of his keen-edged weapon severs the head from the body.

“The sight of the blood brings to a climax the frenzy of the natives; some of them savagely puncture the quivering trunk with their spears, others hack at it with their knives, while the remainder engage in a ghastly struggle for the possession of the head, which has been jerked into the air by the released tension of the sapling. As each man obtains the trophy, and is pursued by the drunken rabble, the hideous tumult becomes deafening; they smear one another’s faces with blood, and fights always spring up as a result, when knives and spears are freely used….

“When the taste for blood has been to a certain extent satisfied, they again resume their singing and dancing while another victim is prepared, when the same ghastly exhibition is repeated. Sometimes as many as twenty slaves will be slaughtered in one day. The dancing and general drunken uproar is continued until midnight, when once more absolute silence ensues, in utter contrast to the hideous tumult of the day.

“I had frequently heard the natives boast of the skill of their executioners, but I doubted their ability to decapitate a man with one blow of the soft metal knives they use. I imagined they would be compelled to hack the head from the body. When I witnessed this sickening spectacle I was alone, unarmed, and absolutely powerless to interfere. But the mute agony of this poor black martyr, who was to die for no crime, but simply because he was a slave — whose every piteous movement was mocked by frenzied savages, and whose very death throes gave the signal for the unrestrained outburst of a hideous carnival of drunken savagery — appealed so strongly to my sense of duty that I decided upon preventing by force any repetition of this scene…

“All tribes I have known have an idea of immortality. They believe that death leads but to another life, to be continued under the same conditions as the life they are now leading; and a chief thinks that if when he enters into this new existence he is accompanied by a sufficient following of slaves he will be entitled to the same rank in the next world as he holds in this. From this belief emanates one of their most barbarous customs — the ceremony of human sacrifices upon the death of any one of importance. Upon the decease of a chief, a certain number of his slaves are selected to be sacrificed, that their spirits may accompany him to the next world. Should this chief possess thirty men and twenty women, seven or eight of the former and six or seven of the latter will suffer death. The men are decapitated, and the women are strangled. When a woman is sacrificed she is adorned with bright metal bangles, her toilet is carefully attended to, her hair is neatly plaited, and bright-colored cloths are wrapped around her. Her hands are then pinioned behind, and her neck is passed through a noose of cord; the long end of the cord is led over the branch of the nearest tree, and is drawn taut at a given signal; and while the body is swinging in mid-air its convulsive movements are imitated with savage gusto by the spectators. It often happens that a little child also becomes a victim to this horrible ceremony, by being placed in the grave alive, as a pillow for the dead chief. These executions are still perpetrated in all the villages of the Upper Congo.

“But the life of the slave is not only forfeited at the death of the chief of the tribe in which fate has cast his lot. Let us supposed that the tribe he is owned by has been maintaining an internecine warfare with another tribe in the same district. For some reason it is deemed politic by the chief to bring the feud to an end, and a meeting is arranged with his rival. At the conclusion of the interview, in order that the treaty of peace may be solemnly ratified, blood must be spilled.

“Buried alive with only the head left above the ground…”

“A slave is therefore selected, and the mode of torture preceding his death will vary in different districts. In the Ubangi River district the slave is suspended head downwards from the branch of a tree, and there left to die. But even more horrible is the fate of such a one at Chumbiri, Bolobo, or the large villages around Irebu, where the expiatory victim is actually buried alive with only the head left above the ground. All his bones have first been crushed or broken, and in speechless agony he waits for death….

“[The Lolo] villages are constantly attacked by the powerful roving tribes of the Lufembe and Ngombe. These two tribes are voracious cannibals. They surround the Lolo villages at night, and at the first signs of dawn pounce down upon the unsuspecting Balolo, killing all the men who resist and catching all the rest. They then select the stronger portion of their captives, and shackle them hand and foot to prevent their escape. The remainder they kill, distributing the flesh among themselves. As a rule, after such a raid they form a small encampment; they light their fires, seize all the bananas in the village, and gorge upon the human flesh. They then march over to one of the numerous slave markets on the river, where they exchange the captives with the slave-traders of the Lulungu River for beads, cloth, brass wire, and other trinkets. The slave-traders pack the slaves into their canoes and take them down to the villages on the Lulungu River where the more important markets are held. Masankusu, situated at the junction of the Lupuri and Malinga tributaries, is by far the most important slave-trading center. The people of Masankusu buy their slaves from the Lufembe and Ngombe raiders, and sell them to the Lulungu natives and traders from down river. The slaves are exhibited for sale at Masankusu in long sheds, or rather under simple grass roofs supported on long poles. It is heartrending to see the inmates of one of these slave-sheds….

A captive

“They are hobbled with roughly hewn logs which chafe their limbs to open sores; sometimes a whole tree presses its weight on their bodies while their necks are penned into the natural prong formed by its branching limbs. Others sit from day to day with their legs and arms maintained in a fixed position by rudely constructed stocks, and each slave is secured to the roof-posts by a cord knotted to a cane ring which either encircles his neck or is intertwined with his woolly hair. Many die of pure starvation, as the owners give them barely enough food to exist upon, and even that they grudge them. These hungry creatures form indeed a truly pitiable sight. After suffering this captivity for a short time they become mere skeletons. All ages, of both sexes, are to be seen; mothers with their babes; young men and women; boys and girls; and even babies who cannot yet walk, and whose mothers have died of starvation, or perhaps been killed by the Lufembe. One seldom sees either old men or old women; they are all killed in the raids; their marketable value being very small, no trouble is taken with them….

A slave shed

“There were certainly five hundred slaves exposed for sale in this one village alone. Large canoes were constantly arriving from down river, with merchandise of all kinds with which they purchased these slaves. A large trade is carried on between the Ubangi and Lulungu rivers. The people inhabiting the mouth of the Ubangi buy the Balolo slaves at Masankusu and the other markets. They then take them up the Ubangi River and exchange them with the natives there for ivory. These natives buy their slaves solely for food. Having purchased slaves they feed them on ripe bananas, fish, and oil, and when they get them into good conditions they kill them. Hundreds of the Balolo slaves are taken into the river and disposed of in this way each month. A great many other slaves are sold to the large villages on the Congo, to supply victims for the execution ceremonies.

Left to starve

“Much life is lost in the capturing of slaves, and during their captivity many succumb to starvation. Of the remainder, numbers are sold to become victims to cannibalism and human sacrifice ceremonies. There are few indeed who are allowed to live and prosper.

“Cannibalism exists among all the peoples on the Upper Congo east of 16 E. longitude, and is prevalent to an even greater extent among the people inhabiting the banks of the numerous affluents. During a two-months’ voyage on the Ubangi River I was constantly brought into contact with cannibalism. The natives there pride themselves upon the number of skulls they possess, denoting the number of victims they have been able to obtain. I saw one native hut, around which was built a raised platform of clay a foot wide, on which were placed rows of human skulls, forming a ghastly picture, but one of which the chief was very proud, as he signified by the admiring way he drew my attention to the sight. Bunches of twenty and thirty skulls were hung about in prominent positions in the village. I asked one young chief, who was certainly not more than twenty-five years old, how many men he had eaten in his village, and he answered me thirty. He was greatly astonished at the horror I expressed at his answer. In one village again, as I had bought a tusk of ivory, the natives thought perhaps I might buy skulls, and several armfuls were brought down to my boat within a few minutes….

“During my first visit to the upper waters of the Malinga River cannibalism was brought to my notice in a ghastly manner. One night I heard a woman’s piercing shriek, followed by a stifled, gurgling moan; then boisterous laughter, when all again became silent. In the morning I was horrified to see a native offering for sale to my men a piece of human flesh, the skin of which bore the tribal tattoo mark of the Balolo. I afterwards learned that the cry we had heard at night was from a female slave whose throat had been cut. I was absent from this village of Malinga for ten days. On my return I inquired if any further bloodshed had taken place, and was informed that five other women had been killed.

“While in the Ruki River at the beginning of this year, I was furnished with another proof of the horrible fate of the slaves. At Esenge, a village near which I stopped to cut wood for my steamer, I heard ominous beating of drums and outbreaks of excited mirth. I was informed by one of the natives from the village that an execution was taking place. To my inquiry whether they were in the habit of eating human flesh, he replied, ‘We eat the body entirely.’ I further asked what they did with the head. ‘Eat it,’ he replied; ‘but first we put it in the fire to singe the hair off.’…”

*  *  *

Thus, the Black man in his natural environment — not observed at some awkward moment, during a time of turmoil, when the worst in him may have been temporarily brought out, but just as he had been for countless thousands of years before the arrival of the first White man. Only fools can believe that any fundamental change has taken place in his nature during the last 90 years.

From National Vanguard No. 75, 1980

transcribed by Vanessa Neubauer from the book The Best of Attack! and National Vanguard, edited by Kevin Alfred Strom http://nationalvanguard.org/2013/11/the-roots-of-black-slavery/

Our Cause

Our Cause

Text of 1976 speech by Dr. William L. Pierce to his supporters:

EVERY DAY, I receive letters from our members across the country as well as from people here in the Washington area who have attended our meetings in the past. These letters and questions indicate that there is still some uncertainty in people’s minds as to what we are, what we believe, and what we intend to do. Questions, in other words, as to what it’s all about. I want to try again tonight to answer these questions as clearly as I possibly can.

I’m sure that one of the difficulties people have in trying to understand us is that they can’t figure out quite how to categorize us. They’re accustomed to putting everything they encounter in life into little, mental pigeonholes labeled right-wing, left-wing, communist, racist, and so on. And once they’ve done that, they think they understand the thing.

Now the trouble is that we don’t quite fit any of the customary pigeonholes. And that is because the doctrine of the National Alliance, the truth for which we stand, is not just a rehash of old and familiar ideas but is really something new to Americans.

Perhaps the best way to approach an understanding of the Alliance is to start by getting rid of some of the most troublesome pigeonholes altogether. That is, by pointing out what we are not. We are not, as many people tend to assume at first, either a conservative or a right-wing group. And I’m not just trying to be cute when I say that. I’m not just trying to emphasize that we are a special right-wing group or a better right-wing group. In fact, our truth has very little in common with most right-wing creeds. We’re not interested, for example, in restoring the Constitution. The Constitution, written 200 years ago, served a certain purpose well for a time. But that time is now passed. Nor was its purpose the same as our purpose today. We’re not interested in states’ rights, in restoring the former sovereignty of the individual states. We do not believe, as our conservative friends do, that a strong and centralized government is an evil in itself. It is, in fact, a necessity in overcoming many of the obstacles which lie ahead of us as a people.

What else is dear to the hearts of right-wingers? Do we want to restore prayer and Bible reading to the public schools? Hardly. Anti-fluoridation? Nonsense. Income tax? Abortion? Pornography? Well, we may sympathize more with the right-wing position on these issues than we do with the left-wing position, but they are still only peripheral issues for us. They are not the reason why we are here. They are not the things we are prepared to die for.

There are, in fact, several issues on which we are closer to what would ordinarily be considered the left-wing or liberal position than we are to the conservative or right-wing position. One of these issues is the ecology issue: the protection of our natural environment, the elimination of pollution, and the protection of wildlife. And there are also other issues in which we are closer to the liberals than to the conservatives, although I doubt that we agree with them completely on any issue; just as we seldom, if ever, agree completely with the right-wing on any issue.

The reason for the lack of complete agreement, when there seems to be approximate agreement, with either the right or the left is that our position on every issue is derived from an underlying view of the world which is fundamentally different from those of either the right or the left. That is, to the extent that they have any underlying philosophy at all. Often there is none, and a great many people who identify themselves as liberals, conservatives, or moderates simply have an assortment of views on various issues which are not related to any common idea, purpose, or philosophy.

Before we turn to a positive look at the Alliance, let me inject just a few more negatives. One thing we are not trying to do is to find any quick or easy solutions to the problems confronting us as a people. We have enormously difficult problems. If we are to solve them at all, we must tackle them with more determination, more tenacity, and more fanaticism than they have ever been tackled before. We must prepare ourselves mentally and spiritually for a very long, bloody, and agonizing struggle.

We mustn’t imagine that we are like a squad of soldiers about to assault a cave full of robbers and that the only preparation we need is to be sure our bayonets are fixed and that our powder is dry. This seems to be the attitude of most patriots these days and it is not a realistic one. “Throw out those bums in Washington,” they say, “and our problems will be over.”

No. We must think of ourselves instead as the beginning — the barest beginning — of a mighty army whose task is not to clean out a cave full of robbers, but is to conquer an entire hostile world. Before the first shot is fired we must build our invasion fleet with thousands of ships and siege engines. We must lay in massive supplies of cannon balls, powder, and all sorts of other munitions. And we must do a hundred other things.

In other words, we must prepare ourselves for our political struggle before we can count on it yielding anything other than the invariable failure which has rewarded patriots in the past. We must build a foundation which will sustain us for a very long campaign.

Let me give you another analogy. We are like a tribe of hungry, starving people living in a land which, although the soil is fertile, provides relatively little to eat. These people find a few berries growing on bushes and a few edible roots in the ground. All they can think about is that they are hungry and they must fill their bellies. This is their immediate problem. They spend all of their time, day after day, year after year, hunting for those scarce berries on the bushes and pulling an occasional edible root out of the ground. And they never really fill their bellies; they always remain hungry and on the edge of starvation. That is because no one has ever taken a few minutes off from berry hunting and thought further ahead than the immediate problem of filling his belly, now, for this meal. No one has proposed that while some continue to hunt for berries, others in the tribe should tolerate their hunger pains for a while and make themselves a few simple tools, a simple plow from a tree branch perhaps, and a hoe, and then use these tools to plow up some of the most fertile areas of their land and plant a few berries in furrows and keep watch over them so that the birds don’t scratch them up. They could weed their furrows and perhaps divert a portion of a nearby stream for irrigation. If they did this, if they thought beyond their immediate problem, and, to the extent possible, tackled a much larger problem, they would eventually, even though it might take years, solve the problem of hunger which they could never solve when that was all they thought about. The solution to the problem of keeping their bellies full would be to develop an agricultural basis for their berry-picking and root-digging.

Now we need a philosophical and spiritual basis for our political struggle. A basis, of course, which tells us why we must fight and what we are fighting for. But we also want a basis which will tell us how to build a whole new world after we have won the political struggle. In other words, we are not building a basis to use for a month, or for a few years, but a basis which will last a thousand years and more. We are building a basis which will serve not only us, but also countless future generation of our race. And it is high time that we did this. We have drifted without any sense of direction, without any long-range perspectives, for far too long. It’s time that we stopped fixing our sights on next year, or the next election, and fix them instead on eternity.

You know, we Americans are famous for being a practical people, a hard-headed, no nonsense people. We are not great thinkers, perhaps, but we are real problem solvers. We don’t fool around; we plow right into things. That’s how we settled this country. We didn’t agonize about whether we were being fair to the Indians when we took their land; we just walked right over them and kept moving west. That’s what we had to do. We just followed our instincts and used our heads and, more often than not, we did the right thing.

But we also made some mistakes, bad mistakes. Because the southern colonies were ideally suited for certain types of crops which required lots of hand labor, there weren’t any machines back then of course, we brought Negroes into the country. That seemed to make pretty good economic sense at the time. But we really should have thought harder about the long-range consequences of that move. We wouldn’t have had to be real wizards to foresee the future. History provides a number of instructive examples for us to study.

We kept on making mistakes: mistakes based on shortsightedness mostly, mistakes from not being able to give any real weight to anything but the immediate problem, mistakes from not thinking far enough ahead. Analyzing the situation a little more deeply, we can say that we were shortsighted because we had no really firm basis for being longsighted. We had no solid foundation on which to stand in order to evaluate the long-range consequences of our decisions. And, as a result of this, we were suckers for various brands of sentimentality, strictly here and now sentimentality, sentimentality rooted only in the present. It was this sort of fuzzy sentimentality, this Uncle Tom’s Cabin sentimentality, which led to the war between the states and to the dumping of some three million Blacks into our free society a hundred years ago. It also led to our failure to properly control immigration into this country, our failure to prevent the flood of Jews which poured in after the Civil War.

These things troubled many good people. Lincoln was troubled over the potential consequences of freeing the Negroes. Later, others were troubled over the dangers of uncontrolled immigration. But the fuzzy sentimentalists prevailed because those who knew in their hearts that the country was making mistakes didn’t have a really solid basis from which to oppose the sentimentalists. They didn’t have their sights fixed on eternity. They had no all-encompassing worldview to back them up.

And the same problem of shortsightedness is far worse today. A person goes to church and hears his minister tell him that we are all God’s children, Black and White. And although his instinct tries to tell him that the minister is leading him astray, he will not challenge the minister because he has no firm convictions rooted in eternity to back up his feelings. The same is true of the whole country, and of our whole race, today. We are like a ship without a compass. Various factions of the crew are arguing about which way to steer, but no one really knows where the ship is headed. We’ve lost our sense of direction. We no longer have a distant, fixed star to guide us. Actually, it’s even worse than that. We have lost our ability to follow a distant star even if we could see one. We are like a nation, like a race, without a soul. And that is a fatal condition.

No purely political program can have any real value for us in the long run unless we get our souls back, unless we learn once again how to be true to our inner nature, unless we learn to heed the divine spark inside us and base all our decisions on a clear and comprehensive philosophy illuminated by that spark.

Let me tell you a little story, which I believe illustrates our problem. Several years ago, I spoke to a class at a private high school in Maryland. It was the Indian Spring Friends’ School operated by the Quakers, but with a student body which seemed to be about equally divided between Jews and gentiles, with a few token Blacks thrown in. Throughout my talk to the class, a blond girl and the only Negro in the class were sitting next to each other in the front row and kissing and fondling each other in an obviously planned effort to distract me. The subject of my talk was the importance of White Americans developing a sense of racial identity and racial pride if we are to survive. When I finished, a White student, about 17-years-old, rose to ask the first question. His question was, “What makes you think it’s so important for the White race to survive?”

I was flabbergasted and at a loss for words. And while I stood there with my mouth open, a young Jew popped up and gave his own answer. “There is no good reason at all for Whites to survive,” the Jew announced, “because they have contributed nothing to the human race except the knowledge of how to kill people. Other races have contributed everything worthwhile, everything which allows people to be happier and more comfortable.” And then he rattled off a list of five or six names: Freud, Einstein, Salk, and a few others — all Jews. I then asked him if he himself were a Jew and he replied with as much arrogance and contempt as he could muster, “Yes I am and proud of it!” At this point the whole class, Whites included, rose and gave the young Jew a standing ovation. The teacher at the back of the room had a big grin on his face.

Needless to say, my talk was pretty well wasted on that class. The White kids in there had been subjected to so much moral intimidation, they had been pumped so full of racial guilt and self-hatred, their minds were so twisted, that it’s doubtful whether anyone could straighten them out. Certainly no one could in an hour’s time.

But the thing which bothered me even more than the phony collective racial guilt which had been pumped into those boys and girls, was my inability to answer the White kid’s question. Why should we survive? That’s one of those questions like, why is good better than evil? Or, nowadays, why is heterosexuality any better than homosexuality? If two people want to have sex together, who are we to say that it’s better that they be a man and a woman than that they be two men or two women? A related question concerns racial mixing: why shouldn’t a Black man and a White woman, or vice versa, live together if they can be happy? These are questions which most White people, even normal healthy White people, cannot answer satisfactorily today.

A hundred years ago, before the Jews came flooding into our country and taking over our mass media and our educational system, we might not have really needed answers. We just knew that it was important for our race to survive and to make progress. We knew that homosexuality and interracial sex were wrong. Our intuition told us this. The answers were in our souls even if we couldn’t express them in words. But then the Jews — who are clever people, very clever people — came along, and they began asking these very questions. And when we couldn’t answer them, they began providing their own answers.

Now all of us here tonight know what the Jews’ answers are. We read them in our newspapers and hear them on television every day. Some White people, in fact a majority at first, did oppose the Jews’ plans. But their reasons for opposing them were all the wrong ones. For example, when asked “Why shouldn’t your son or daughter marry a Black?” their answer was “Well, two people with such different backgrounds won’t be happy together. They will have children of mixed race who won’t be accepted by either Whites or Blacks. There’s a better chance for a marriage to work out if both partners are of the same race. The world just isn’t ready for inter-marriage yet.” Well, of course, the Jews made pretty short work of such shallow and superficial objections. The problem was that our people had already accepted most of the basic Jewish premises. Our criterion for choosing a marriage partner was happiness — happiness! –either ours or our children’s. No one had any really solid answers, answers based on something fundamental. Certainly the churches, whose role should have been to provide the right answers, were of no help. They in fact were, and are, in the forefront of the Jewish assault on all our values and institutions. They are so much in hock to the Jews that they are busy now trying to figure out how they can rewrite the New Testament, removing or changing all the parts that Jews consider offensive, such as the Jewish responsibility for the crucifixion of Jesus.

The Jews were able to continue hammering away at White Americans — probing, prying, asking more questions, raising more doubts — until we had lost all faith in what we had earlier known intuitively was right. Our ethics, our code of behavior, our values, our feelings, and our aspirations all went down the drain. What they gave us instead was the new “morality” of ‘if it feels good, do it.’ Our children are taught in school that progress means more happiness for more people. And happiness, of course, means feeling good. The whole thing is summed up in a Coca-Cola commercial. I’m sure you have all seen it on TV: a ring of twenty people or so, of all colors and both sexes, obviously as happy and care-free as they could possibly be, are all holding hands and singing, “I’d like to give the world a Coke.” Now who but the meanest and most narrow-minded racist is going to criticize something like that?

The average American — even one who does not approve of racial mixing — doesn’t know how to respond to a clever appeal like the Coca-Cola commercial, certainly the average White kid in our schools today doesn’t. And once he has unconsciously accepted the hidden premises in that commercial — and the entire attitude toward life from which it is sprung — the question I was asked at the Indian Spring Friends’ School naturally follows. Since people of all races are equal and essentially the same — Whites, Negroes, Jews, Gypsies, Chinamen, Mulattoes — and since they can all be happy doing the same sorts of things, why should we worry about what a person’s race is, or even about our own? Wouldn’t sex be just as pleasurable for us if we were Black instead of White? Wouldn’t a Coke taste just as good? What difference does it make if our grandchildren are Mulattoes so long as the economy is still strong and they can all afford nice cars and 25-inch color TV sets?

Now, one can attack this Jewish fantasy world with facts. One can point out that although Jews are clever, they haven’t done everything worthwhile in the world. White people have done a few things besides kill other people. And one can point out that racial differences are more than skin deep. One can talk about IQ scores; one can cite historical examples in which civilization after civilization has declined and crumbled when the race that built that civilization began intermarrying with its slaves. But none of that is really going to convince the kid whose main concern is whether the consumers of the world — whether the happy Coke drinkers — will be any less happy in a world without Whites.

What we failed to do in the past was to understand the deep inner source from which our feelings and intuition about race and other matters sprang. We had no really sound and healthy worldview to offer that White kid in place of the slick, plastic, Jewish worldview of the Coca-Cola commercial. And so we couldn’t really answer his question about the survival of the White race any more than we could give him a really convincing reason about why he shouldn’t do just anything that feels good — whether it is taking dope, or sleeping with Blacks, or experimenting with homosexuality.

You may think of that kid as an extreme liberal case, but he is really no different than the average — and I mean the average — businessman in this country. He used to be a segregationist a few years ago, but he became an integrationist when the Blacks started rioting and burning things in the late 1960′s. After all, riots are bad for business. Their individual views of the world may be a little different, but the businessman and the kid in Maryland both base their thinking on one and the same thing — egoistic Jewish materialism. The kid who believes that the purpose of life is happiness, knows that there are not many things on this earth happier than a bunch of pickaninnies splashing in a mud puddle. And the businessman who believes that the purpose of life is to make money knows that a Black customer’s money is just as green as a White customer’s.

A person who accepts that sort of basis, indeed, cannot see any really convincing reason why the White race should survive. His aim is to live a “good life.” And for him that means a life with lots of money, lots to eat and drink, plenty of sex, new cars, big houses, and constant diversions. Entertainment: that is all he lives for, all he cares about, and all he understands. Talk about purpose to him and his eyes go blank. Talk about eternity and he laughs at you. He knows that he won’t live forever, although he doesn’t like to think about that. He intends to get as much out of life as he can. Anything beyond that means nothing to him. What a difference that is from the attitude toward life that our ancestors in northern Europe had a few hundred years ago. They were greedy for money like we are, of course, and they liked to enjoy themselves when they could, but that was not the meaning of life for them. Their attitude toward life and death was perhaps best summed up in a stanza from one of the old Norse sagas. It goes like this:

Kinsmen die and cattle die,
And so must one die one’s self,
But there is one thing I know which never dies
And that is the fame of a dead man’s deeds.

The German philosopher Arthur Shopenhauer expressed essentially the same idea when he said that the very most any man can hope for is a heroic passage through life. Greatness, in other words, instead of happiness, is the mark of a good life. Now I don’t mean to suggest that we must all think in terms of becoming famous or of dying heroically on the battlefield with sword or gun in hand. Some of us may be granted that, but what is important, what all of us can do, even those who think of ourselves as basically unheroic, is to adopt the attitude toward life and toward death which was implicit in the old sagas and in Shopenhauer’s statement.

The attitude of living for the sake of eternity, of living with eternity always in mind instead of living only for the moment; the attitude that the individual is not an end in himself, but rather that the individual lives for and through something greater — in particular, for and through his racial community (which is eternal) — seems to have eluded most of us today. It is an attitude which is diametrically opposed to the Jewish attitude of egoism and materialism. And yet it is the alien Jewish attitude that has been adopted by most Americans today. We have chosen happiness instead of greatness, the moment instead of eternity. We have become a nation — a whole race — of full-time self-seekers, a race concerned with one thing: self-gratification.

The average man, of course, has always been pretty shortsighted and his interests have always pretty much been limited to his own welfare. So the materialism of today that I’ve been talking about is a matter of degree. It has a somewhat stronger grip on the man in the street than it formerly did. But what is worse is that today it also has a grip on our leaders, on our teachers, on our poets, on our philosophers, and even on our priests. It has so thoroughly saturated the souls of all of us that we have reacted to it by becoming spiritually ill. And this spiritual sickness, this loss of our souls, is why we are in such a mess today. And it is why we will be in a worse and worse mess as time goes on. We will never overcome the problems facing us until it is cured.

And please do not misunderstand me. I am not talking about the “wages of sin” in the sense with which many of us may be familiar. I’m not talking about some anthropomorphic deity, some heavenly father sitting on his throne in the sky punishing us, keeping us from overcoming our enemies because we are not fulfilling his commandments. No, that’s nonsense! We are not being punished by any supernatural being. We are in trouble for the same reason that an explorer in a harsh and trackless wilderness is in trouble when he loses his compass and cannot see the sky through the dense foliage. He no longer knows which way to go. That is our most fundamental problem — we do not know where we are going. We have no sense of direction. We have stumbled off the path.

But that is something I really should not have had to tell you because everyone here today knows this. Even if he doesn’t understand yet how or why he knows it. He still knows that the present course our society has taken is wrong. It is unnatural. It is evil. We all know that it is wrong to accept the “I’m all right, Jack” attitude which prevails today. We know that it’s wrong to live only for the present, to forget the past and to ignore the future. It is wrong to have instant self-gratification as our only goal. That’s why we are here. We know that there is something more, something else, a better way. We know this for the same reason we are attracted to beauty and to nobility and are repelled by the ugly and the base, regardless of the artificial fashions of our day. We know it because deep inside all of us, in our race-soul, there is a source of divine wisdom, of ages-old wisdom, of wisdom as old as the universe. That is the wisdom, the truth, which we in the National Alliance want to make the basis of our national policy. It is a truth of which most of us have been largely unconscious all our lives, but which now we have the opportunity to understand clearly and precisely.

Our truth tells us that no man, no race, not even this planet, exists as an end in itself. The only thing which exists as an end in its self is the whole. The whole of which the things I just named are parts. The universe is the physical manifestation of the whole. The whole is continually changing and always will be. It is evolving. That is, it is moving toward ever more complex, ever higher, states of existence. The development of life on earth from non-living matter was one step in this never-ending evolutionary process. The evolution of man-like creatures from more primitive forms of life was another step. The diversification of these creatures into the various races and sub-races, and the continued evolution of these different races in different parts of the world at different rates, have been continuations of this process. The entire evolution of life on earth from its beginning some three billion years ago, and in a more general sense, the evolution of the universe over a much longer period before the appearance of life, is an evolution not only in the sense of yielding more and more highly developed physical forms, but also an evolution in consciousness. It is an evolution in the self-consciousness of the whole.

From the beginning, the whole, the creator, the self-created, has followed, has in fact embodied, an upward urge — an urge toward higher and higher degrees of self-consciousness, toward ever more nearly perfect states of self-realization.

In man — in our race in particular — this upward urge, this divine spark, has brought us to a new threshold. A threshold as important as that which separated the non-living matter of three billion years ago from the living matter into which it evolved. Today’s threshold is a threshold in self-consciousness. We stand now on the verge of a full understanding of the fact that we are a manifestation of the creator, that we are the means and the substance by which the creator, by which the whole of which we are a part, can continue its self-evolution.

When we understand this, when we heed the divine spark within us, then we can once again ascend the upward path that has led us from sub-man to man and can lead us now from man to super-man and beyond. But we cannot do this, we cannot find the path, without this consciousness, without this understanding that the responsibility is ours, that we are not the playthings of God but are ourselves a manifestation of God and can become, must become, now a consciousmanifestation. Only in that way can we fulfill our ordained destiny.

Let me emphasize again, in different words, what I told you earlier this evening about building a spiritual basis for our political work. The Alliance’s long-range approach is necessary, absolutely necessary, and unavoidable. The short-range approaches that other patriots are trying, and have been trying for many decades now, the thousands of ad hoc solutions of quick and easy one-issue approaches, whether of tax-rebellion or of bomb throwing, cannot solve the ultimate problems with which we are faced. They cannot give us back our souls. It may seem ironical that we should be trying to conquer and transform the whole world, that we should be planning for eternity, when no one else has been able to make a successful plan for achieving very much more limited goals, restoring the constitution, for example, or getting us out of the United Nations, or what have you. But it is the very shortsightedness of those working for these limited goals which has been the cause of their failure. And it is our rooting of our plans in eternity which gives us confidence for their ultimate success no matter how long it may take us.

So I tell you again, our approach is not just a matter of choice; it is necessary. There is no other way but ours. There is only one path. And there is something else we must understand. Our philosophy, our quest for the upward path, is not something that we should accept reluctantly because we see it as necessary to the solution of our race problem, our Jewish problem, and our communist problem. It is not something we accept because we cannot find an easier approach to these problems. No! If we look at it that way then we still haven’t rid ourselves of the shortsightedness that has been our curse in the past. We must understand that the truth for which we stand transcends all the problems of the present. Finding our way once again to the one true path transcends all questions of economics, of politics, and ultimately even of race, just as eternity transcends tomorrow. So let’s stop putting the cart before the horse mentally and spiritually. Let’s take off our mental blinders. Let’s realize that the truth has a value in itself and that dedication to the truth is a virtue in itself. This is all the more true in a world in which falsehood seems to rule.

The problems with which we are faced in the world today are serious ones and they must be solved. But the first and most important task, the task on which all our other problems must eventually depend for their solutions, but also the task which would still be just as important for us to accomplish if all our other problems didn’t exist, is the task, the one task, assigned to us by the creator. That is the task of achieving full consciousness of our oneness with the whole, achieving full consciousness that we are a part of the creator and that our destiny is to achieve the single purpose for which the universe exists — the self-realization of the creator.

Our truth is a very simple truth, but its implications are enormous beyond imagining. To the extent that we understand and accept it, it sets us apart from all the people around us. Our acceptance of this truth marks us as the only adults in a world of children. For implicit in what we believe is our recognition and acceptance of our responsibility for the future of the universe. The fate of everything that will ever be rests in our hands now. This is a terrible and awesome responsibility — a crushing responsibility. If we were only men we could not bear it. We would have to invent some supernatural being to foist our responsibility onto. But we must, and can, bear it when we understand that we ourselves embody the divine spark which is the upward driving urge of the universe.

The acceptance of our truth not only burdens us with the responsibility that other men have shunned throughout history, it bestows on us a mantle of moral authority that goes along with the responsibility, the moral authority to do whatever is necessary in carrying out our responsibility. Furthermore, it is an acceptance of our destiny, an unlimited destiny, a destiny glorious beyond imagination, if we truly have the courage of our convictions. If we truly abide by the demands that our truth places upon us, it means that while other men continue to live only for the day, continue to seek only self-gratification, and continue to live lives which are essentially without meaning and that leave no trace behind them when they are over, we are living and working for the sake of eternity. In so doing, we are becoming a part of that eternity.

For some, our task may seem too great for us, our responsibility too overwhelming. If they are correct, if we choose to remain children instead of accepting our adulthood, if we continue the shortsighted approaches of the past, then in the long run we will fail utterly. The enemies of our race will prevail over us and we and our kind will pass away forever. All our sacrifices, and all the dreams and sacrifices of our ancestors, will have been in vain. Not even a memory of us, or our kind, will be left when the creative spirit of the universe tries, in some other place, in some other time, in some other way, to do what we failed to do. But I do not believe that we will fail. Because in working to achieve our purpose, we are finding our way once again to the right and natural path for our people. We are working once again with the whole. And we have a mighty tradition behind us.

Our purpose is the purpose for which the earth was born out of the gas and the dust of the cosmos, the purpose for which the first primitive amphibian crawled out of the sea three hundred million years ago and learned to live on the land, the purpose for which the first race of men held themselves apart from the races of sub-men around them and bred only with their own kind. It is the purpose for which men first captured lightning from the sky, tamed it, and called it fire; the purpose for which our ancestors built the world’s first astronomical observatory on a British plain more than 4,000 years ago. It is the purpose for which Jesus, the Galilean, fought the Jews and died 2,000 years ago; the purpose for which Rembrandt painted; the purpose for which Shakespeare wrote; and the purpose for which Newton pondered. Our purpose, the purpose with which we must become obsessed, is that for which the best, the noblest, men and women of our race down through the ages have struggled and died whether they were fully conscious of it or not. It is the purpose for which they sought beauty and created beauty; the purpose for which they studied the heavens and taught themselves Nature’s mysteries; the purpose for which they fought the degenerative, the regressive, and the evil forces all around them; the purpose for which, instead of taking the easy path in life, the downward path; they chose the upward path, regardless of the pain, suffering, and sacrifice that this choice entailed.

Yes! They did these things, largely without having a full understanding of why, just as the first amphibian did not understand his purpose when he crawled onto the land. Our purpose is the creator’s purpose, our path is the path of divine consciousness, the path of the creator’s self-realization. This is the path which is ordained for us because of what we are, because of the spark of divine consciousness in us, and in no one else. No other race can travel this path, our path, for us. We alone must prove whether we are fit to serve the creator’s purpose. And if we are fit, if we once again heed the inner knowledge engraved in our souls by the creator, if we regain faith in the things we once knew were true without fully understanding why and if we now also teach ourselves why, then we will once again be on the upward path ordained for us, and our destiny will be godhood.

Those of you who are with us for the first time have, I hope, gained at least the beginning of an understanding of who we are and of what we want to do. I know that I have left many of your questions unanswered; questions about current political, social, racial, and economic issues; questions about concrete things. We do talk about those things in our meetings. We talk about them in a very concrete and down-to-earth fashion. I’ve discussed them in past meetings and I’ll discuss them again in future ones — the goals of overcoming the enemies of our people, of safeguarding the future of our race, and of building a new order of beauty, sanity, strength, and health on this earth, so that our people can progress and mature until they are capable of fulfilling the role allotted to them by the creator. But now I want to be sure that you understand just one thing. If we ever are to achieve these concrete advances, these physical victories, this material renewal of our nation, of our civilization, of our race, then we must first make the spiritual advances that I’ve talked about here. Without the spiritual basis, the material victory will not be achieved.

As I said, in our future meetings we will explore many individual issues in much greater detail than we have here. We hope you will join us in these future meetings and further increase your understanding of our work, and we hope that you will begin to share our commitment to this work. And let me say this especially to those who are with us for the first time, we do not care who you are or what you have believed in the past, nor do we require that you agree exactly with us on a hundred different social, political, economic, and racial issues. All we require is that you share with us a commitment to the simple, but great, truth which I have explained to you here, that you understand that you are a part of the whole, which is the creator, that you understand that your purpose, the purpose of mankind and the purpose of every other part of creation, is the creator’s purpose, that this purpose is the never-ending ascent of the path of creation, the path of life symbolized by our life rune, that you understand that this path leads ever upward toward the creator’s self-realization, and that the destiny of those who follow this path is godhood. If you share this single truth with us, then everything else will follow and we invite you to make a commitment now, today, to join us and work with us.

Source: http://nationalvanguard.org/2010/09/our-cause/