Moral Considerations
People join the National Alliance for various reasons, and people also have various reasons for not joining us.
Some people react to various irritants: they're angry at the government's insistence that homosexuals be tolerated, or they are alarmed by the growing flood of non-White immigrants swamping America. Others join because the Alliance is a symbol of normalcy, sanity and security in a world gone mad: they feel isolated and afraid as their old, familiar world crumbles under the impact of the New World Order, and they reach out to us as to a life preserver.
Some people avoid joining us because the odds for our success don't look good to them now: no point in ending up on the winning side's blacklist, they think. Others stay away because they have some quibble with our program or our ideology: they want us to promise that we'll never use violence, no matter what; or they aver that they agree with most of what we stand for, but we spoil everything by saying nice things about Adolf Hitler sometimes or by refusing to recognize that there are some "good" Blacks and some "decent" Jews.
We spend much time and energy talking about all of these things. We use the immigration problem and the government's favoritism toward homosexuals as arguments to persuade those with a reactionary streak to join us. We try to convince the calculating, I've-got-to-look-out-for-
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"[We]e are driven by a moral compulsion, by the deep-seated
conviction that a man ought to do what he knows to be right,
regardless of every other consideration."
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Sometimes, though, it's helpful to stand back a bit from the everyday work of infrastructure building and the problems of propaganda and recruiting, to put aside all our calculations and rationalizations, and to look at what we're doing from a higher observation point. It's important to remind ourselves that our most basic reason for being in the Alliance and doing the Alliance's work is that it's the right thing to do. Ultimately, it's not any ideological quibble that motivates us: we are driven by a moral compulsion, by the deep-seated conviction that a man ought to do what he knows to be right, regardless of every other consideration. And we know, with every fiber of our being, that it is right to fight for the survival of our people and for a more progressive world in which ever greater beauty, knowledge, strength, wisdom, and order are the common goals of our race.
No man, of course, is strong enough or wise enough to do the right thing, to make the right choice, every single time the possibility arises, every day of his life. We all yield to the temptation occasionally to tell an unnecessary lie or to do something petty, cruel, inexcusably selfish, or dishonorable. Were it otherwise we would not be human. What's important for us imperfect men and women is to have the moral sense to know when we haven't done the right thing, the moral sense to urge us to do better the next time: more important, the moral sense to know that, even though we sometimes make mistakes in the day-to-day conduct of our lives, we must not make a mistake when faced with the really big, once-in-a-lifetime moral choices, the choices for which there is no next time.
The biggest of these choices is whether we will choose the path of righteousness as our path in life and tread it as best we can for as long as we live, or whether we will spend all our lives making excuses and waiting until a more opportune time to choose the right path, meanwhile continuing to tread in the mire of acceptability and conventionality. This is not the same choice as that between doing right and willfully abandoning ourselves to evil. We can see all around us people who have made the latter choice: the politicians, the priests and ministers, the ambitious lawyer-bureaucrats, the Gentile newspaper reporters and scriptwriters and television commentators, all posturing and prating and grinning up their sleeves. They are people who consciously and deliberately have chosen the path of treason, the path of collaboration with the enemies of our race, because collaboration seems to be prospering in this era. We often feel the special hatred which these people bear for us, a hatred made hotter because we are reminders to them of their own immorality.
And it is not a choice made -- or even faced -- by the great mass of people who lack a moral sense altogether, or in whom it is so weak that it is overridden almost completely by external forces. This is the herd, the mob, the democratic electorate, the eternal consumers of spectator sports, from the circuses of the ancient Caesars to the latest World Series or presidential election. They are the soulless ones, those who really believe that whatever is fashionable is right.
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"[W]e know, with every fiber of our being, that it is
right to fight for the survival of our people..."
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When heretics were being burned four centuries ago, they were among the onlookers, munching snacks and cheering and sweating and happily jostling one another. When there were "freedom marches" [six] decades ago, they were there again, singing "We Shall Overcome" and looking virtuous for the cameras. When rock became fashionable they rocked, and when rap became fashionable they rapped, with never a thought for the meaning of what they were doing.
When they began seeing their favorite television-serial actors and actresses with Black paramours, the females among them jumped up from the couch and ran out to find a Black boyfriend, while the males among them convinced themselves that they approved.
When a war is smiled on by the faces on their television screens the soulless ones are bloodthirsty jingoists, and when a war is frowned on they are pacifists, and in neither case do they ask whether or not it serves a higher purpose.
Capable of helping to build a great civilization when they have moral leadership, they tear it down with equal enthusiasm when their leaders are immoral. They themselves, however, are neither moral nor immoral and, therefore, are faced with no moral choices.
No, the distinction we make here is not between ourselves and the willfully evil few or the mindlessly fashionable many. It is between us and those who know the difference between right and wrong but who, nevertheless, procrastinate and quibble and avoid making a choice, whether from lack of courage, excess of caution, or some other reason.
There certainly are those who agree with us but aren't in the Alliance because they lack the courage of their convictions. And there are those whose convictions simply lack intensity: for them doing the right thing remains only a conviction and has not become a compulsion.
It is possible, of course, for people to be moral in more than one way. There are moral people who interpret the facts of the world differently than we do. Most of these people are operating on faulty information, however: a belief in the supernatural is their most common fault.
The essence of the matter is this: no moral White man or woman who understands what is happening and has a firm grip on reality (that is, who is not anticipating divine intervention) can collaborate willingly in the ongoing destruction of our race and our civilization. And to participate is to collaborate. Any practicing physician, public school teacher, policeman, or merchant; any construction worker, truck driver, or office receptionist; any soldier, engineer, or commercial farmer -- in general, anyone who sells his skills or his labor or provides goods or services and thereby helps to keep the wheels of the present society turning, and who takes no compensatory action -- is collaborating in the destruction of his own people.
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"A belief in the supernatural is [the] most common
fault [of otherwise] moral people who interpret the
facts of the world differently than we do."
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What a terrible dilemma this is for everyone who understands it but is too timid or too indecisive to do anything about it! Some simply try to avoid thinking too much about their moral failure. Others wriggle and squirm and try in various ways to lessen their guilt: they talk against the race-destroying System they serve when no one is listening who might report their insubordination, or they fool themselves into believing that they are participating in the mainstream economy in such a way that it doesn't really amount to collaboration and might even be considered sabotage, or they endlessly embellish a fantasy-plan they have for doing something moral ''when the time becomes ripe."
How fortunate are we in the Alliance! We few, we happy few, almost alone among the tens of millions of our fellow White men and women, can morally justify our existence! We, almost alone among those with a moral sense, can go to bed at night with an easy conscience, because we know we are doing the right thing. Even if we participate in the mainstream economy by day, we are in fact, not in fantasy, turning that participation against the enemies of our people by using the resources or the situation it provides us to build the Alliance: we are recruiting from the people around us in the workplace and we are supporting the work of the National Office.
We understand, of course, that being right is not enough. Too often in our past evil has triumphed and trampled right underfoot, even as it does now. Eventually we must not only be right, but we must have the strongest battalions. Being right, however, does give us an enormous advantage in the work of building our battalions. Ultimately the moral strength of those battalions will be as important as their physical strength. And the knowledge, on the part of each member, that he is doing the right thing makes him a stronger member now. It gives him an edge over the opponent who is consciously wrong, just as it does over the opponent who has no morality.
For our morality to give us strength, however, we must be aware of it; we must understand that we are right and why we are right. We must burn a sense of rightness into our consciousness, so that we never forget it. Then we can truly have as our motto: Do right, and fear no one.
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