Classic Audio: Mossad and the Jewish Problem

This was Dr. Pierce's last ADV, recorded less than a month before his death.

by Dr. William L. Pierce (pictured)

http://nationalvanguard.org/audio/2002-06-29-mossad-and-the-jewish-problem.mp3

FOR SEVERAL YEARS I have been warning in these broadcasts about the growing infiltration and subversion of American law-enforcement agencies by Jewish pressure groups. This process, which has been going on at a significant rate for more than two decades, accelerated during the Clinton administration, especially after the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, when Jewish groups put themselves forward as "experts on terrorism," based on their experience in repressing Palestinians and on their undercover snooping into dissident groups in the United States. They offered training seminars to the FBI and other Federal police agencies, to various military units, and to state and local police agencies.

"We will show you how to recognize terrorists and potential terrorists and how to deal with them. We will tell you about these dangerous dissident organizations, these "hate" groups, and we will help you to prevent another terrorist bombing, such as the one carried out by Timothy McVeigh in Oklahoma City," the Jewish groups told the police and military agencies. The most visible of these groups was the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, but as we will see, there also were other, less visible Jewish groups at work.

Never mind that Timothy McVeigh had not belonged to any dissident group but had acted solely as an angry individual determined to send the government a message that its behavior in massacring the members of the Branch Davidian church in Waco, Texas, would not be tolerated. Never mind that the Anti-Defamation League and other Jewish groups offering their services really were pushing the military and law-enforcement agencies to shift their emphasis toward the investigation and repression of dissidents and the enforcement of a brand-new category of laws -- so-called "hate crime" and "speech crime" laws -- rather than toward the prevention of terrorism.

Never mind those things; it was the Clinton era, and Bill Clinton had brought more Jews into the government than any previous President. Jews were riding high in the Clinton administration, from Monica Lewinsky to Madaleine Albright. When the Jews wanted something, the Jews got it, and smart bureaucrats, including those in the military and law-enforcement agencies, knew better than to ask questions.

The Silencing of Hans Schmidt

From January 1996 Issue of Free Speech: 

 The Silencing of Hans Schmidt

Hans Schmidt Was Thrown into Jail Simply for
Displeasing the Wrong People

By Dr. William Pierce

Perhaps you've noticed recently how pleased the news media have been to inform us that Mr. Clinton's popularity with the electorate is rising. His so-called "approval rating" is higher than it's ever been, largely because he is perceived as taking a decisive and principled stand to bring peace to Bosnia.

It's not that the American people are happy about the possibility of becoming involved in yet another war, but they are pleased to see their draft-dodging, pot- smoking President, who was in the streets with the Reds and the hippies chanting "Ho, ho, ho Chi Minh, the Viet Cong's gonna win" back during the Vietnam war, finally trying to act like a statesman by using American diplomacy and military power to end the butchery in Bosnia: finally trying to walk tall and carry a big stick. Probably that makes many Americans feel a little safer, feel that their President will stick up for them when they need him.

Well, let me tell you something else about Mr. Clinton's supposed principles: about the way he walks tall and sticks up for Americans when they need the support of their government. Five months ago, in August 1995, an American was seized by the German secret police at the airport in Frankfurt as he was preparing to return to the United States after visiting his 93-year-old mother in Germany. He was thrown into a German prison, where he remained until very recently, without trial and without bond. His name is Hans Schmidt. He lives in Pensacola, Florida. He has been a U.S. citizen for 40 years. He committed no crime while he was in Germany. He has never done anything, either in Germany or the United States, which is a crime under U.S. law.

Jailed in Democratic Germany: The Ordeal of an American Writer 

by Hans Schmidt, published by Guderian Books (December 1997)

What he had done, however, was publish a newsletter in 1994 in the United States which displeased the Jews. You see, Mr. Schmidt heads the German- American National Political Action Committee, an organization dedicated to the interests of Americans of German descent, like Mr. Schmidt himself - and like 55 million other Americans. One topic which Mr. Schmidt often discusses in his newsletters is the Jews' hate-propaganda campaign against Germany, especially their claim that the Germans gassed 6,000,000 of them to death during the Second World War, and therefore the Germans of today owe the Jews of today a free living. In particular, Mr. Schmidt criticized the anti-German hate film Schindler's List, pointing out a number of Jewish propaganda lies in the film.

Now, in the United States it's still not illegal to criticize a film - even a Jewish propaganda film. But in Germany it's a different story. In Germany to contradict the Jewish party line about the so-called "Holocaust" is illegal. It's what the Jews and their news media call a "hate crime." Many Germans are in prison today simply because they have written or said something the Jews didn't like.

That's because the German government today is a continuation of the occupation government imposed on the German people 50 years ago by the communist and democratic Allies who conquered Germany in the Second World War. It is a government in which German patriots were forbidden to participate. It consists of traitors who were willing to serve the conquerors of their people - of ambitious traitors who understood that the way to power and privilege in conquered Germany lay in pleasing the Jews. And these traitors were happy to impose on their own people whatever laws the Jews demanded. They taxed the German people so that the German government could send tens of billions of dollars to Israel in so-called "war reparations" - even though Israel didn't even exist during the war. And they enacted laws making it illegal for Germans to criticize or contradict Jews.

Now, of course, German laws are the business of the Germans. Until the German people rise up, hang their traitors, and form a patriotic government, they'll have to do without freedom of speech and freedom of the press. They'll have to obey the laws imposed on them by a government of traitors or pay the penalty for breaking those laws. But those laws cannot be imposed on Americans for what Americans do on American soil. The German government cannot. take away an American's right to say or write what he wants in America.

Hans Schmidt has been a naturalized American citizen for 40 years. He has committed no crime in Germany. The German government has no jurisdiction over what he has written in America. And yet he has been arrested by the German secret police and imprisoned. How can that be? Why did that happen?

I'll tell you. Hans Schmidt was arrested for two reasons. First, there are Jewish hate organizations in every country, including the United States and Germany, which not only make Jewish hate propaganda for the Jew-controlled media, but which also spy on the people of the country in which they are located. They compile hate lists of people who say or write things which displease them. They distribute these hate lists to their news media, and then the people on the lists are accused of "hate crimes" by the media. And they distribute these hate lists to the governments over which they have influence, and they demand that the governments take repressive action against the people on the lists. Hans Schmidt's name is high on most of these Jewish hate lists. That's one of the reasons he was arrested by the German secret police.

A second reason is that the German secret police knew ahead of time that the United States government would not protest Hans Schmidt's arrest. More important, they knew that the Jew-controlled news media would remain silent-that there would be no headlines in the New York Times or the Washington Post or the Wall Street Journal or any other Jewish newspaper.

They knew that the U.S. government would not protest, because the head of the secret police in the United States, Mr. Clinton's FBI Director Louis Freeh, has pledged to them repeatedly during the past two years that he would do everything he could to help them silence Americans who are saying things the Jews don't like. He has publicly lamented the fact that the United States does not have repressive laws like those in Germany, which prohibit Politically Incorrect speech. He has publicly lamented the fact that the FBI cannot arrest people like Hans Schmidt - and me and many other Americans on the Jews' hate lists - but he has pledged that he would help the German secret police arrest them.

And that's exactly what he has done. Mr. Freeh is a politically ambitious little man, and he knows which side his bread is buttered on. He knows whom he must please in order to remain in favor in the Clinton government. And so when Americans on a Jewish hate list travel to another country, Mr. Freeh's secret police in Washington tip off the secret police in the other country. They collaborate in punishing American citizens for exercising their Constitutional rights.

And of course, it's not just Mr. Freeh who is engaged in this subversive, anti- American activity. The whole Clinton government is composed of people who want to abolish the U.S. Constitution and its Bill of Rights, so that they can usher in the New World Order, where no one will be permitted to say or write anything which is not Politically Correct. They want a New World Order governed by "hate laws," where anyone who doesn't toe the line can be thrown into prison for a "hate crime." They take their lead from Jews who already have succeeded in imposing such laws on the people of Germany, of Canada, of Britain, and of many other European countries. The Clinton government could not silence Hans Schmidt while he was in America, but they did collaborate with the German government in silencing him, and they continue to collaborate with the German government by failing to protest its imprisonment of an American citizen.

Contrast this despicable, treasonous behavior of the Clinton government in Hans Schmidt's case with its behavior in the case of the Chinese dissident, Harry Wu. We've all heard about Harry Wu, because the controlled news media in America made a celebrity of him when he was arrested by the Chinese government a few months ago. The Clintonistas became his champions and protectors. Mrs. Clinton wouldn't attend an international feminist conference in China, because the Chinese had Harry Wu in jail. And Harry Wu had quite clearly broken Chinese law in China by illegally sneaking into the country with a forged passport. We may sympathize with Mr. Wu's anti-Communism, but we cannot honestly pretend to be outraged when the Chinese government arrests him for entering China with a forged passport. That's illegal everywhere.
 
Hans Schmidt, on the other hand, did nothing illegal in either Germany or the United States. He was arrested solely because the Jews demanded it, and because their lackeys in the German government knew that their lackeys in the U.S. government wouldn't protest. That is something to be outraged about.

Hans Schmidt with Dr. Pierce, among friends

Now, I've known Hans Schmidt for 15 years. He's a personal friend. At a time when I was even poorer than I am today, he gave me an automobile. It's an automobile which my wife still drives. I've spoken often with him over the years and shared important information with him. So I have a personal reason for being outraged at what has been done to Hans Schmidt. But you should be just as outraged as I am. The attack on Hans Schmidt's rights and freedom is an attack on the rights and freedom of every American. If Hans Schmidt can be silenced, so can I - or you - or anyone. If we don't express our outrage now about what has been done to Hans Schmidt, who will speak up for us when we are silenced?

There's not much point in directing our outrage against the German government. That's something for German patriots to concern themselves with. And I'm sure that one day they will rise up and settle matters over there, if they have enough rope and lampposts for the job. But we have a job to do over here. We Americans should direct our outrage against the subversives and criminals in our own government who have conspired with the German government to silence Hans Schmidt. We should direct our outrage against the Clintonistas and all of the other collaborators. We should direct our outrage at the hate organizations which compile the hate lists and whisper in the ears of the politicians and provide hate propaganda for the controlled media: organizations like the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, the Simon Wiesenthal Center, and the so-called Southern Poverty Law Center. It is these Jewish hate organizations which ultimately are responsible for the imprisonment of Hans Schmidt. It is these hate organizations which are pushing for "hate laws" in the United States, making it illegal to criticize them or their policies. It is these hate organizations which are pushing harder than anyone else to abolish our Constitution and subject us all to the New World Order.

Just being outraged at these hate organizations and at their collaborators in the media and the government isn't enough, of course. If we want to keep our freedom to say and write what we think, just being angry at those who are taking it away from us isn't enough. We have to fight these enemies of freedom with all the means at our disposal.

Look! We cannot do now to this filth, to these haters of our people, what really needs to be done. That will have to wait. But here's what we can do now, what we must do now: first, we must remember that most of the politicians and bureaucrats who collaborate with the haters are men without principle or conviction or scruple. They are simply ambitious opportunists. Most of them are lawyers. They don't care about freedom one way or the other, since they can't eat it or put in the bank. It's just a word to them. They don't care whether Hans Schmidt is in prison or not. All they care about is how much butter is on their bread. We must make these corrupt men understand that a day of reckoning is coming, and that they will be called to account. We must make them understand that on that day we will present them with a bill for all of the butter they have accepted from the haters. We must make them understand that the time for them to begin buying insurance against that day is now.

Remembering these things, let's begin by reminding them that to us freedom is not just a word, that to us it is important whether or not our government sticks up for its citizens' rights - and that until the day comes when we use other means, we will at least make our voices heard in support of freedom, that we will not be silenced, and that if they try to ignore us our voices will only grow louder and stronger.

Let's begin by writing letters and making telephone calls. Write to the State Department in Washington, which is supposed to be responsible for the welfare of American citizens traveling in other countries. Tell them that you are very unhappy that they did nothing to obtain Hans Schmidt's release. Tell them that you are angry. Tell them that you want to know why they haven't even protested to the German government.

Write to the politicians in the Congress who are supposed to be representing your interests. Tell them the same thing. Demand answers.

************************

The most important thing for us to keep in mind 

is that we are not powerless, despite what the 

haters would like for everyone to believe.

************************

Listen! You may think that writing letters is wasted effort, that others already have written and that it has done no good, so why should you bother. The politicians and bureaucrats don't care, you may think, so why should you make yourself look foolish by making demands that they'll just ignore. If that's the way you think, you're wrong. I tell you that if everyone listening with us today will write, if those politicians and bureaucrats receive a hundred thousand angry letters, they will remember that a little insurance might be a good thing for them.

And write to the editors of every newspaper and news magazine you read. Tell them what you think about the failure of the Clinton government to protect the rights of its citizens. Some of those letters will be published and will be read by tens of thousands of other people.

Use your telephone. Call every talk show which can be received in your area. Get on the air. Express yourself forcefully. People will listen to you.

The haters at the Anti-Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center will continue to sneer at us and to snicker among themselves, and they will continue to spread their hatred to the media and to pull the strings on most of the politicians and to tell the Clintonistas what to do. It'll be a while yet before we can wipe the sneer off their faces for good, but even now we can make their hateful work more difficult for them.

The most important thing for us to keep in mind is that we are not powerless, despite what the haters would like for everyone to believe. We don't have to lie down and let them walk on us. If we just have the courage and the energy to use our voices, we can accomplish much. The haters always do their dirty work in secret, behind the scenes. They can only steal freedom from Americans if the public doesn't understand what they're up to. They can only get away with silencing people like Hans Schmidt if the public doesn't know about it. It's our responsibility to tell the public: to tell them loudly and clearly and repeatedly.

Let's think about one more thing. It is terrible, of course, that we have a government composed of criminals and traitors, of despicable politicians like Bill Clinton, who collaborate with the enemies of our people to bring about such crimes as the imprisonment of Hans Schmidt.

Despite this, however, as we move into this new year I am more optimistic than I have ever been. A great sea change is taking place in the consciousness of the American people, a great awakening. Most of them are still far from a full understanding of the evil which afflicts our nation. They are still far from being ready to deal with the haters and their collaborators in the manner they deserve. But there is at least a new openness, a new willingness to listen and to reason. I see a growing impatience with treason, a growing unwillingness to swallow the smooth lies of the Clintonistas, a growing suspicion of the controlled media and of the hate groups behind the media. And it is our responsibility, the responsibility of all of us with some understanding of what has been happening in America, to help the rest of the people develop their own understanding, to help their awareness grow, to speed their awakening.

I can see that awakening on the horizon, in the not too distant future. On the horizon I can see the glow of the cleansing fire with which this nation will be swept: the fire which will restore us to health and sanity and honor, the fire which will consume the filth and the deceit and the hate and leave us with the possibility to shape a new future for our children and our grandchildren.

We must endure more treason and injustice as the haters pull out all the stops in their efforts to maintain their power now, and later to save their skins. But the end of them and their evil is in sight, and that is something in which we can all rejoice.
---

 

Hans Schmidt 

(April 24, 1927 – May 30, 2010)

See also: http://williamlutherpierce.blogspot.com/2012/12/dr-pierce-with-his-old-friend-hans.html

Out of the Darkness

American Dissident Voices broadcast of July 31, 2004:

Out of the Darkness

by Dr. William L. Pierce
introduced by Kevin Alfred Strom

As I record this week's broadcast, it has been two years since the untimely death of the founding chairman of the National Alliance, my friend and certainly one of the profoundest thinkers of the 20th century, William L. Pierce.
 
Dr. Pierce told me that his greatest goal in life was to build the Alliance into a vehicle for the survival and advancement of our people that would transcend his own leadership, that would endure beyond his physical life and beyond the lifetimes of any of its leaders.
 
There were times that Dr. Pierce agonized over whether the Alliance would survive at all, and even more times when he felt almost alone, certain that without him to keep pushing forward, the organization and the ideas it embodies would disappear and be forgotten. In the early 1980s, Dr. Pierce instituted several dramatic changes in the Alliance. The blustery street-revolutionary rhetoric of the tabloid newspaper was superseded by the equally radical but more intellectually rigorous articles in the new National Vanguard magazine. The issue-oriented approach of the past was de-emphasized and the all-encompassing racial-biological worldview that was the basis of our ideas was brought to the fore. Attracting the masses was abandoned in favor of attracting a high-quality elite.
 
On today's broadcast, I'm going to remember Dr. Pierce by letting you hear his own words on these very subjects. Offered here to honor the man and to disseminate his prescient words, and never before heard by any but the Alliance members and participants at the Alliance's General Convention in 1983, this is Dr. Pierce's banquet address -- 'Out of the Darkness.' 

Listen to this inspirational Cosmotheist sermon by Dr. Pierce here:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oI07LkGOu9c#t=19

* * * 

Two thousand years ago the poet Ovid wrote that night is a sadder time than day. I know that's always been true for me. When discouraging thoughts come, it's usually at night.
 
Actually, I'm pretty cheerful most of the time. But it used to be that, occasionally, when I was working alone in the National Office late at night, a black thought would come into my mind -- always the same thought. It was that there's not enough time to do what I must do. It was that something will happen to me before the Alliance is strong enough to survive and continue growing without me.
 
Then a feeling of desperation would come over me and I would have to fight off an almost overpowering urge to do whatever I could to speed things up -- to go back to the quick and dirty methods that I had tried in past years. Now, I didn't yield to that urge because I had already found out the hard way that the quick and dirty methods don't yield lasting results. I knew that we had only one shot at winning this war we're in, and it has to be a good shot. We can't miss. We can't build something that is flimsy or false. We have to do it exactly right, or it won't work. But doing it right sometimes seems painfully slow. And it would be futile, self-defeating, if in my care to do it right I didn't get enough of it done so that others could carry on before I was overtaken by disease, or by an accident, or even by an assassin.
 
Now, in a sense, this black thought which used to creep up on me late at night, was the thought of death, the fear of death. We're all mortal. We all know that we have to die -- though no one wants to. The way we've dealt with this fear of death in the past has been to identify ourselves with something immortal, to think of ourselves as part of something in which we can continue to live after our bodies are gone. Patriots have identified themselves with their countries -- often so strongly that they were almost eager to die in order to advance the interests of their fatherland: the land of their forefathers. It was easier to be patriotic, of course, when our country still belonged to us, when we were able to associate a particular village, or farmstead, with our ancestors for several generations back; when the graves of our fathers, and grandfathers, and great great great grandfathers, were around us -- and so were their works: the fields that they had cleared, the buildings that they had built, the trophies they gathered in their lifetimes, the records they left behind them. We could easily fit ourselves into the pattern of generations and centuries, and be content in the knowledge that our own works, and trophies, and records, would also be preserved, and would become part of the lives of our descendents. We would fight anyone who threatened that pattern. We would die in order to preserve it, so that we wouldn't be forgotten, so that we would always have a little niche in the memory of all the generations which were to come.
 
Today the whole pattern has been smashed to bits and ground into the mud. We've lost our roots, our sense of belonging, our connection with the past and with the future. We can't count on being remembered. In fact, if current trends continue for a few more years, and Martin Luther King's dream of "full equality" is realized then our grandchildren won't even know who their fathers are, much less their grandfathers. So patriotism provides little comfort for mortals these days.
 
And it's no wonder that many people are searching for something else, besides their countries, to identify with. For me that something has long been the whole universe. My life is part of its life and I know that the larger life of the evolving universe will go on no matter what. That's my religion, or part of it. But it's a rather impersonal religion, and on dark, lonely nights at the office, it does not by itself provide enough comfort to keep dark moods away. There is in all of us, I believe, a need for a more personal identification with something immortal. We need more than merely the knowledge that each of us is a momentarily glowing spark of individual consciousness in a conscious cosmos -- a cosmos which, even as its overall brightness grows, witnesses the winking on and then out again of billions of individual sparks.
 
We need, in addition to that, the knowledge that we as individuals make a difference. We need the knowledge that we can make a mark on the world through our own efforts, and that the mark we make will last. We need to know that our personal contribution to the life of the universe will be remembered after we are gone -- that others will add to it and help it grow -- so that ten generations from now, or even a hundred generations, the record will still be there. There will be someone then who will be able to say: Back during the great struggle, ages ago, when the race nearly perished, there were a few men and women who were on the right side; a few who did what had to be done; a few who made the difference; and even today, centuries later, we remember their names and their works.
 
That's the sort of knowledge which is able to overcome the fear of death, the sort of knowledge which gives each of us a personal connection to the infinite. It's true that the self-consciously evolving cosmos, of which I am a part, is the ultimate reality. But it's also true that the Alliance provides my personal connection with that ultimate reality. The Alliance is the means by which I, and many others, can make individual contributions to the future. The Alliance not only magnifies our efforts -- gives us leverage that we wouldn't have if we were working on our own -- but it also provides a safe repository for our contributions, makes them into lasting contributions. And as it keeps them from being washed away in the growing tide of chaos on the outside, it keeps them in place long enough for another member to add his own contribution on top of ours, and then for another to build on top of both, and so on.
 
For example, if one of our members writes a book which is a valuable contribution to our overall effort -- say, member William Simpson and his Which Way Western Man? -- then he doesn't have to worry that it will immediately disappear into oblivion when he dies, or is no longer able to promote it himself. He knows that even after he is gone, the Alliance will remain to continue distributing his book, continue reprinting it, magnifying its effect, until another member is able to build on that work with a book of his own, which advances the Cause still further. 

 
That, of course, is the theory. The trouble is it has been a pretty shaky theory in the past, primarily because far too much was dependent on a single individual: me. Who could be sure whether I would last from one month to the next? Who could know whether or not all of the hard work, and money, and time, he was putting into the Alliance would be wasted? Because I might, at any minute, give up and announce that I was tired of butting my head against the wall, and that would be the end of it.
 
From my own viewpoint things were a little different, but still not particularly encouraging. I knew that I wouldn't give up, but I could see others giving up all around me. It seemed that every time we would manage to struggle ahead a step, we would slide three quarters of a step back again. And I knew that we were not strong enough to keep going at all if I quit, which meant that I had to hang on and keep on pushing things forward until we reached a critical point where I could stand aside and things would keep moving without me, because there would be the right people, ready and able to take over all of my responsibilities. My concern was that nothing must happen to me before we reached that point. From a purely selfish standpoint, I didn't want my spark to wink out without making a difference, and the black thought that kept coming to me late at night was that I was losing the race, that I couldn't reach that critical point soon enough.
 
It was never a matter of quitting. I never worried that all of my hard work was being wasted in the sense that I could've been spending my time more enjoyably. From the time I started, there was only one thing that I could do -- even if there were no hope at all of winning. I couldn't stop even if I had wanted to. Nevertheless, whether I was working willingly or unwillingly, the occasional late-night feeling that it was all for nothing was quite distressing.
 
Fortunately, daylight generally had the effect of dispelling my gloom, and so I was able to present a cheerful face to the world. Now, the only reason that I'm making this confession to you is that my black thoughts are a thing of the past. If I still had them, I certainly wouldn't tell you about them. But the fact is that I have not been gloomy about our prospects for at least the last year-- and I still work late, alone, in the National Office at night. What's made the difference is the results of our recruiting during the past year.
 
For the task that the Alliance must accomplish, quality is everything. In the last year we have been winning commitments from people who have what it takes to get the job done. Attendance at our convention this year may be up only forty per cent. over last year, but the number of people in the Alliance who have what it takes has doubled. We're finally getting the good ones now substantially faster than we're losing them -- and, really, we've just started.
 
For years, we were bogged down in the childishness -- the make believe -- the buffoonery -- the stupidity -- of the right wing. That's no one's fault but my own, of course -- because I knew nothing else but the right wing approach. I really thought that populism, an appeal to the dispossessed, an appeal to the so-called White masses, was the way to proceed, the way to gain strength.
 
And I was often in despair, when I finally realized that it wasn't; when I saw how few people we were winning in whom I could have any confidence at all. Changing our approach was difficult. It meant breaking some bad habits that we had acquired. It meant alienating a certain clientele that we had attracted, whose continued support I was then convinced that we really needed.
 
But we did change. And, within the first six months, I could begin to see a real improvement. The right wing kooks stopped coming around, and in their place came people that I could be proud of -- people in whom I could have confidence. That's when the late night despair disappeared.
 
We have a long, a difficult, and a dangerous road ahead of us yet. There will be many casualties along the way. We'll make more mistakes, certainly, and we'll have to correct ourselves many times. We may yet be overwhelmed by the enemy, or we may be too slow and be overtaken by circumstances -- but I'm now convinced that we can reach our goal.
 
I can foresee the time now when it will no longer make any difference what happens to me, because there will be others who will keep the spark glowing, and will make it grow brighter and brighter with each passing year. I foresee immortality, for all of those who have nourished the spark and who will nourish it in the future. I see more people -- like you who are here with me tonight -- joining our Cause every month, and every week. I foresee a growth, and a strength, and a capability for the Alliance, much greater than we have ever known before. I foresee it not in the distant future any longer, but in the time immediately ahead of us, as you go forth tomorrow and recruit for our Cause other men and women like yourselves. Thank you.